デジタル版『渋沢栄一伝記資料』

大正12年6月8日（1923年）

是日、当委員会、日米問題解決ニ資スル為メ、両国ノ輿論ヲ喚起スル目的ヲ以テ、六月五日発表セル陳述書ヲ、各方面ニ発送ス。

尚栄一、陳述書発表以来連日、個人ノ資格ニ於テ、アメリカ合衆国朝野ノ名士ニ意見書ヲ送ル。

日米関係委員会文書　　　　　　　　　　　（財団法人竜門社所蔵）
（印刷物）
拝啓、時下益御清適奉賀候、然ハ米国西部在留日本人問題解決ノ為メ大ニ日米両国ノ輿論ヲ喚起致度目的ヲ以テ、ステートメントヲ発表致候、別紙一部拝送仕候間、何卒御声援被成下度、懇祷ノ至ニ候　敬具
　　大正十二年六月八日
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　日米関係委員会
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　渋沢栄一
　　○「ステートメント」ハ前掲ニツキ略ス。

日米関係委員会文書　　　　　　　　　　　（財団法人竜門社所蔵）
（印刷物）
拝啓、時下益御清適奉賀候、然ハ過日日米関係委員会ヨリ、米国西部在留日本人問題解決ノ目的ヲ以テステートメントヲ発表致候処、小生ニ於テモ同一ノ目的ヲ以テ、別紙○後掲ノ意見書ヲ米国朝野ノ名士ニ発送致候間、御一覧ニ供シ候　敬具
　　大正十二年六月九日
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　東京
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　渋沢栄一

渋沢栄一意見書（英和両文）　　　　　　　（財団法人竜門社所蔵）
(Printed)
　　DEAR SIR :
　　More than a year has now passed since the Washington Conference on the Limitation of Armament. Many considerations render it desirable that the peoples of our two countries should take stock of what has already been accomplished and
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 what remains to be done in achieving the desire of the great majority of us on both sides of the Pacific, that the best possible understandings and even the kindliest feelings shall prevail and continue indefinitely.
　　I enclose a statement in regard to the present situation, just issued by the Japanese-American Relations Committee of Tokyo, in which I am sure you will be interested. And I am also venturing to write you somewhat fully on this matter, in order that you may know quite accurately what we on this side of the Pacific are thinking.
　　If you could find time to let me know what your thought is on these questions and how we should now proceed in order to reach in due time a complete solution of the remaining problems, you will render us a great favor.
　　That our countries have entered into new relations of a highly hopeful character can be disputed only by those who have not sufficient knowledge to appreciate what has been done and by those who are determined, for reasons of prejudice or personal interset, to promote suspicions and distrust. It is obvious that whatever militaristic disposition prevailed in Japan has definitely and irrevocably passed, and it is equally clear that the intentions of the United States to take advantage of her power and create an overwhelming navy are no longer to be regarded as a potential menace to us.
　　These are both causes of great and widespread relief to the Japanese people ; and it would now be impossible to revive the old condition, with its concomitants of anxiety and resentment towards the United States and the anticipation of possible conflict between us. War between civilized and progressive States is not only a thing which is fundamentally immoral and barbarous, it is also one of such terrible material consequence that no nation can contemplate it lightly after the ghastly experience of Europe in recent years. Fortunately, both the interests and the desires of our two peoples are in accord ; and each nation having given the other unquestionable proof of its sincerity, during and since that wonderful Washington Conference, we are now liberated from any contemplation of so dire a calamity.
　　It may be even that a great entente, better in its mutually free understanding than in any binding commitment, has developed among the greater naval Powers of the world. That is a great and incalculable stride forward towards permanent peace, at least upon the seas. It is a basis upon which we can build new and nobler things, truer to the purposes of God and of
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 enlightened human beings.
　　As far as Japan is concerned, a great load has been lifted from our hearts and we are turning with new vigour to the solution of pressing social, economic, and industrial problems. Already, though the Naval Treaty is not yet fully ratified, we have been relieved to the extent of more than $58,000,000 in the appropriations for a single year for our Naval Budget ; such is the reduction of 1923 below that of 1922. A relief of similar and possibly greater sums, which might otherwise have been spent, can be expected for as many years as the Naval agreement lasts. Likewise due to the understandings that have been reached, though not required by their terms, we have reduced our military force and have thereby saved many million dollars more ; and this again is only the savings of the first year.
　　As a result of this notable relief, our Government has been able to add $15,000,000 to our annual national grant to the prefectures for the promotion of primary education. And, as an indication of the spirit that has come over us as a result of the relief, I might cite the significant fact that our Government intends to set aside as a permanent fund the remaining $22,000,000, due us from China in the Boxer Indemnity, together with $10,200,000 from the payments on the Shantung railway and other properties and received in Shantung for the development of educational, medical, and other institutions that are so sadly needed in that unfortunate country and for the support of Chinese students in Japan. I may add that it is our hope that this and similar acts of consideration for our afflicted neighbor will, in the course of time, remove whatever suspicions may prevail that we harbor territorial or political designs that are incompatible with China's independence or integrity.
　　I am gratified to say that a great step forward has been made already in reassuring the Chinese, for, as is well known, the small garrison that we maintained at Hankow, about one thousand men, was withdrawn from that port last summer ; in the autumn the 2,500 troops that we had in Shantung were all brought back to Japan ; and Northern Manchuria was evacuated by the thousand or more that we had stationed there. Meantime, the Japanese and Chinese Delegations that met at Peking in the summer and autumn succeeded in agreeing upon terms for the transfer of the Tsingtao Tsinan-fu Railway to Chinese authority, and the port of Kiaochow was handed over in due course to Chinese administration ; by January first all of the Japanese post offices in China proper were closed ; and the
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 new Customs tariff, providing an effective five per cent, as agreed upon in Washington, was put into effect. In October of last year the garrison that we had been maintaining in and around Vladivostok was also brought home, leaving no further Japanese forces in Siberia. Our Government, moreover, has stated that it is also its intention, at the proper time, to withdraw the force that now occupies the northern half of Saghalien Island.
　　Unless the will and spirit of the people supported the policies of the Government, it would have been impossible for such definite actions to have taken place, and it is, therefore, evident that whatever Government may come into power, there will be no radical change or retrogression from this far-seeing policy. A Cabinet that might disregard the spirit and the letter of any of the Treaties of Washington and revert to a militaristic attitude with regard to our neighboring mainland could not obtain support in the Diet nor from the people generally. When, therefore, you hear of changes in the Government, as you will in due time, it need cause you no doubt or misgiving. Our policies are fixed ; we are determined to maintain and to develop accord, understanding, and, wherever possible, cooperation, not only with the United States and Great Britain but also with the other Powers and with our neighbors.
　　With this basis of peace and security assured, we ought to be able to work out the minor difficulties and disagreements that exist between our two countries. To do this, patience and a consideration each for the other's point of view are essential. It is natural that some irritation and suspicion will continue to exist among some of our people, for we hear constantly of proposals for the increase of fortifications and naval accommodations in Hawaii, calling for the expenditure of scores of millions of dollars ; we are informed of efforts to obtain appropriations for great naval bases in California ; and we are even told that suggestions to fortify Guam, in spite of the Washington agreement, are made by men of some standing. Serious and well-informed Japanese, of course, realize that no American Government can view such proposals as in any sense necessary. Nevertheless, the discussions of such needless projects by American newspapers and politicians naturally create a certain measure of distrust in our country.
　　Is it not natural that our people are also deeply disturbed by reports from the United States of fresh plans for State legislation essentially humiliating to our race, proposals, for instance, to deny to American-born children of Japanese parentage
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 the right to American citizenship and proposals to rescind citizenship papers already given to Japanese young men who served in the American Army during the Great War, citizenship which they secured, along with tens of thuosands of young men of other nations, who volunteered to meet the call of the President of the United States to serve the cause of America and the Allies in Europe. We Japanese find it difficult to understand such proposals. They seem carping and mean and not in keeping with the character that we have come to respect as American.
　　We find it difficult, moreover, to understand the persistence of the anti-Japanese agitation. In recognition of the desires of certain Western States for the limitation of Japanese labor immigration, the Japanese Government entered into what is called the Gentlemen's Agreement, which got into full operation by the summer of 1908 and by which, since that date, all such immigration to the United States has been effectively stopped.
　　Our Government has been administering the Agreement with scrupulous care and fidelity. As a result of all this, Japanese males in America (including Hawaii) have actually decreased in number by nearly 20,000 since the summer of 1908. In order that no charge could be launched fairly against us, we have even restricted emigration to Mexico. It is, therefore, hard for us to understand the recent proposal to annul that Agreement by a mere act of Congress, without conference with our Government, and, therefore, in a manner unusually arbitrary in the customary dealings between nations. Not unnaturally we regard such proposals as unfair and unfriendly and would consider the enactment of such a law as a decidedly wanton affront. For, if in any respect adjustments in the Gentlemen's Agreement are desired, it will not be difficult to secure them by friendly conference.
　　In order that there shall be no possible apprehension in America in regard to the nature of our ideas and desires, let me assure all Americans that we have no thought of asking for our labor people any privileges of free immigration to the United States. We distinguish quite clearly between the questions of immigration and those of discriminatory legislation against Japanese already lawfully residing in your country. Your discriminatory legislation seems to us to be contrary to the principles of humanity and of the great Christian faith which so many of you profess. We ask for nothing from the people and Government of the United States, in their dealings with members of our race in your land except that which is fair and
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 honorable. We seek no special privileges or favors. We ask only, and we aks earnestly, that nothing be done in respect to our people that is essentially humiliating to them, nothing that discriminates between them and other races in the United States merely on the ground of color or difference of facial contour and experssion.
　　It may not be amiss to state in this connection that since the adoption by Japan, in the last half of the last century, of the main principles of Occidental government, we have no discriminatory laws based on differences of race or nationality or religion. This principle we learned form the West, chiefly from your own country. Americans in Japan enjoy the same privileges and rights of land-ownership, naturalization, and everything else that we grant to individuals of any other nation or race.
　　It may be also well for me to state in the clearest terms that we do not have the least objection to the deportation of individual Japanese who are found to be unlawfully in the United States ; nor do we object to the rejection of Japanese travellers who may be lawless or who do not conform to general standards of moral character, literacy, and the like, such as are applied generally to all travellers from every race and people. But I think you will easily understand why we as Japancese cannot but resent proposals and laws that discriminate against Japanese merely as Japanese, regardless of their individual and personal qualifications.
　　Again let me say that these statements are not concerned with the question of immigration; they concern only the question of the treatment of Japanese who are lawfully in the United States.
　　Our Tokyo Committee on Japanese American Relations has been doing all that is possible to promote mutual understanding, appreciation, and good-will ; but so long as anti-Japanese legislation and unfair discrimination is constantly reported from your Western States, it is very difficult for us to eradicate the feelings of irritation that exist among a people of sensitive disposition and of natural pride in their own achievement in culture and civilization.
　　It has long seemed to us on the Committee that a Joint High Commission appointed by our two Governments for the thorough study of all questions tending to complicate and irritate our mutual relations might well be estabilshed. It would seem as though such a Commission could throw much light on the facts, and give, each side to the other, the information that
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 is evidently needed ; and the Commission might ultimately find a thoroughgoing solution for the various questions that are now the causes of frequent agitation and more or less of irritation.
　　Again let me say that in case the present Gentlemen's Agreement is not, in the judgment of the American Government, working satisfactorily, I am confident that our Japanese Government would be more than ready to confer upon the matter with a view to mutually satisfactory adjustments. This would seem to be the gentlemanly way of securing the desired changes, rather than by ex parte legislation. The recent Washington Conference has taught us how to settle difficult international questions.
　　I am venturing to write thus frankly because of my earnest desire to promote the mutual friendship and good-will of our two countries and to place our relations on such a basis of mutual consideration and appreciation that all difficulties may be effectively and completely removed.
　　With warm assurances of my personal appreciation of the many benefits that have come to Japan through her intercourse with the United States during the past seventy years and with confidence that the friendship and mutual good-will of these two nations will be continually deepened and strengthened as the decades pass, and hoping to hear from you in due time, I venture to subscribe myself as one of America's many friends in Japan.
　　　　　　　　　With warm regards,
　　　　　　　　　　　　　I remain,
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　Yours sincerely,
（右訳文・印刷物）
　　　　大正十二年六月九日 東京
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　渋沢栄一
　　　　　　訳文
軍備制限を主題として開かれたワシントン会議から、今日まで既に一年余を経過した。太平洋の双方で、我等両国民の大多数は、両国の間に最もよく諒解を遂げ、且つ最も厚き親愛の感情がいつまでも続けて行はれることを望むでゐるが、両国民はこゝまで両国の関係が良好になつた機会に乗じ、此の希望を満たす為に今後の方策を講ずることは何れの点より見ても最も願はしいことである。
玆に東京の日米関係委員会が発表した陳述書をお送りして、御一覧を願ふと共に、此の事に関して自分の考を詳述するのは、太平洋の此方で我々がどう考へてゐるかといふことについて、的確に御諒知を求めたい為である。此等の問題について貴下のお考は如何、又尚ほ残つてゐる問題を、余り永びかぬ中に完全に解決するには、どうしたらよか
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らうかといふ点について、貴下のお考をお聴かせ下されば、大幸に存ずる次第である。
我等の両国関係が、甚だ有望な状態に進みつゝあるのは疑ひなきことで、之に異議を唱へる人は、今までに出来上つた事について知識の足りない人か、又は偏見や利害を基礎として、我等両国の間に猜疑不信を煽らうと勉める連中のみであらう。日本には、今までどれだけ軍国主義の傾向があつたにしても、それは確実に又どこまでも葬り去られた。又合衆国が、その力を利用して、雄大な海軍を建設せうとした意図も、今や日本に対しては威嚇にはならない。此等は共に明白の事実である。此等の点は、日本人にとつて一般に大に安心の種になることであつて、今までの様な状態や、それから生ずる合衆国に対する不安憤懣や、両国間に葛藤の生ずるかと云ふ予想などが復活して来るのはあり得ないことである。文明の進むだ国々の間に、戦争の生ずるのはその事が根本的に不道徳又蛮態であるのみならず、その為に生ずる物質上の破滅を見ては、何れの国民でも、先般ヨーロツパの経た如き恐ろしい経験に照らして見れば、戦争を起さうなどと軽々しく考へる筈はない。我等両国民の利害と願望とは、幸にして此の点では全く一致し、ワシントン会議によつて、両国はお互にその誠意を披瀝したのであるから、今となつては、此の如き恐ろしい惨害について考へる要はなくなつた。
相互の自由な諒解に基いて、如何なる協約約束にも優る大協商が世界の海軍国の間に出来上つた以上、少くとも海上では、永久平和に向ふ一大進歩を得たといふべきである。我等は此を基礎にして、一層正義に適ひ、文明人類の希望に副ふべき高尚な新な状態を建設すべきである。
日本だけで云はゞ、心にかゝる重荷を下ろし、玆に努力を新にして、社会・経済・産業上の難問を解釈するに勉めてゐるので、例へば海軍条約は列国の間で完全に批准が済まぬにしても、一九二二年に比して一九二三年には、日本海軍予算は年額一億一千万円を節し得たのである。条約がなくば、此の額又は今後それ以上の費額は、支出された筈のものであるが、海軍条約の続く限は年々それを節し得るのである。それと同様で、但し条約の文字には現はれない事ながら、日本は陸軍を縮小して、それで初年度だけでも数百万円を節し得たのである。
此等節減の結果として、日本政府は普通教育の為に、本年度支出に三千万円を増額した。
負担減少の結果として、又その精神を実行するものとして、日本政府は支那団匪賠償金として同国より請取るべき四千四百万円に併せて、山東鉄道等の代償に請取るべき二千余万円を支出して、支那の現状に照らして、極めて必要な教育・医療、その他の設備を支那の為に整へ又日本在学の支那学生を助けることにした。隣国の非運な状態に対して、日本が此等の好意を表して進めば、年月の経過と共に、支那側の猜疑を除き、支那の独立と保全とを害する様な領土的政治的野心を、日本が抱いてゐるといふ様な疑は霧散する様にならう。
その上、支那に対して段々に遂行して来た点について、満足を以て云
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ひ得ることは、去年の夏漢口の駐屯兵約一千を、同じ秋には山東の駐屯兵二千五百を撤退し、北満洲では一千以上の駐屯兵を撤廃した。それと並んで、夏と秋とにかけて、日支両国の委員は北京で会合して、山東鉄道移管の約款を定め、膠州湾は支那政府の手に還し、支那にある日本の郵便局は、本月一月一日限り閉鎖するに至つた。又ワシントンで定めた支那関税を五分にすることも実行するに至つた。ウラジオストクとその附近にあつた守備兵は、十月に撤退し、それでシベリアには日本の一兵をも留めない様になつた。その上日本政府は、北樺太を占領して居る軍隊も、適当の時機には之を撤退すべき旨を声明して居るのである。
政府の此等の処置も、人民の意志と精神とが之を支持しなければ、此等の断乎たる方策に出で得なかつたことは明白であるから、今後如何なる内閣にならうとも、此の遠大な政策を根本的に変更し得ないことも明白である。若し今後の内閣が、ワシントン条約の何れにしても、その精神なり明文なりを無視して、隣国に対して軍国的態度に出る様なことがあるとしても、議会や人民は之を支持しないであらう。それ故今後内閣の変動があつて、その事が海外に伝はる場合、それで海外の人々が疑心や疑倶を抱かるゝ要は少しもない。日本の政策は既に確立して居るので、英国と米国とは勿論、その他の諸国や隣国に対して益す協調・理解を進め、又出来得る場合には、共同動作にも出やうといふのが日本の政策である。
平和と安定との基礎が此の如く確立した以上、我々のなすべき所は、日米両国の間に横はる細目に亘る困難や背馳を除くにある。此の為には、双方共に忍耐して、互に他方の見地を尊重してかゝるのが重要の事である。但し日本人民の一部には、興奮や猜疑が尚ほ持続するのは已むを得ないことで、例へば米国が数百万円を投じてハワイの要塞を拡張し、海軍設備を増さうといふ様な報道が断へず伝はり、又はカリフオーニアに海軍の大根拠地を据える為に、予算を取らうとする運動があり、且ワシントン条約のあるに拘らず、グアム島に要塞を築かうといふ論が、身分ある人々の議にも上るなど、常に報道が刺激して来る。真面目で又事情に通ずる日本人は、アメリカ政府が此の如き意見に重きを置かないといふことを知つてゐるが、アメリカの新聞紙や政治家が、此等の議論を提出すれば、日本人の間には、どれだけかでも不信の情を生ずるのは自然のことである。
それに加へて、米国諸州ではその議会に日本人を蔑視する様な案が時時現はれ、米国で生まれた者でも、日本人の子孫には市民権を与へない様にしやうとか、世界大戦に際して米国軍隊に勤務した日本人には既に下附されて居る帰化状を無効にしやうとかいふ様な報道の伝はる毎に日本人が不安の情を起し、又は憤慨するのは至当でなからうか。我々には此の如き議の出る理由が不可解であつて、此の如きは狭量又野卑な考としか考へられず、我々が従来アメリカ人の品性だとして尊敬して居たものと大に異なるを覚える。
その上、日本人排斥の運動が続いて行はれることも、我々の理会し得ない所で、西方諸州で日本人労働者の移住を制限したいといふ希望の
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あるに鑑みて、日本政府は彼の所謂る紳士協約を約し、一九〇八年の秋以来之を実行し、それ以来此種の移民は断然阻止せられて居るのである。此の協約を実行する為に、日本政府は細心忠実にその条項を実行して来た。その結果、米国にある（ハワイを含むで）日本人男子の数は、一九〇八年以来二万人を減じた。且つ日本に対する非難の起らない様にとて、メキシコに行く移民を制限して居るのである。それであるから、先頃米国側で此の協約を廃棄しようとの案が出た如きは、不可解であつて、特にその廃棄方法として、世界列国の間に於ける習慣に全く背いて、日本政府と相談せずに、米国議会の決議で之を廃棄しようといふ如きは、益す不可解である。此の如き提案は、不公平且つ不信のもので、此の如き法律が実行されるとすれば、こちらに対する侮辱だと、日本人が感ずるのは、無理であらうか。移民問題に関して、何かの案配処置を要するとすれば、日本と会議して道理と面目とに協ふ様に、礼義を尽して之を処置するのは、決して難事でない筈である。
そこで日本人の考と、希望とに関して、米国側に懸念のわだかまらない様に、玆に明言したいが、向後日本労働者を米国へ自由に入れたいなどとは毛頭考へてゐない。移民流入の問題と、既に適法に米国に居住して居る日本人に対する差別待遇的法律の問題と、此の二つは全く別途の事だといふ区別を、我々は能く明にしてゐる。米国に於る差別待遇的立法は、我々から見れば、人道の原則に反し、又米国人多数の宗教たるキリスト教の主義に背くものとしか考へられない。合衆国の人民と政府とに対して、我々の求める所は、公平正当に日本人を待遇してほしいといふだけで、特別の恩恵や特権を求めるのではない。皮膚の色や、顔面や表情が異なるといふだけで、合衆国内にある他の人民と日本人とを区別し、日本人に対して侮辱的待遇をせられない様にと、此が我々の唯一の要求又熱誠の要求である。
此点に関聯して、下の事を陳述するのは、筋違ひの事ではなからう。既に十九世紀の後半に、日本は西洋諸国に行はれる政治の原則を適用して、日本の法律・法令には、人種・国籍・宗教等の別に基いた差別的規定は一つもないのである。此の原則は、西洋特に米国から学むだので、日本に在留する米国人は、他の何れの国民、又は人種の人々に賦与せられると同じ特権、同じ土地所有権・帰化権を有してゐるのである。
次に最も明確に附言しておきたいが、日本人で法律をくゞつて合衆国に在住する者が見附かつて、国外に放逐せられるのや、又旅行者で徳性・教育などの点で、米国の標準に合はないものが、入国を拒絶せられる（他の国からの旅行者に対すると同様の標準で）のに対して、日本は少しも異存を唱へるものでない。之に反して、日本人たるの故を以て、その個人としての人格資格に関係なしに、差別待遇を受ける様な提案や法律に対して、日本人が憤懣せざるを得ないことは、米国側でも理解していたゞきたい。
玆に反復して述べるが、此等の点は、移民流入問題とは無関係の事であつて、総て既に適法に合衆国に居住して居る日本人に関してのみ云
 - 第34巻 p.43 -ページ画像 
ふのである。
我々東京に於る日米関係委員会は、両国の諒解・友誼、並に親善を増進せんが為に、あらゆる力を尽して居るのであるが、米国西部諸州に於る排日法案、又は不公平なる差別法案に関する報が、頻々として日本人の耳に入る間は、敏感にして且教養と文化とに自尊心を有する日本国民の間に瀰漫せる反感を、根本的に一掃する事は極めて困難である。
久しい以前より、吾々日米関係委員会は、日米両国政府より聯合高等委員を任命し、両国の関係を錯綜紛糾せしむべき傾向ある問題を、徹底的に調査せしむることゝせば、利益多かるべしと考へてゐる。
此種の機関は、事実を闡明して、両国が共に必要とする報道を与ふる事が出来、終には其に基いて、今日まで、両国間に屡々難問題と紛糾とを惹起する原因となつて居た各種の問題に対する徹底的解決案を、発見することが出来やうと考へるのである。
若し米国政府に於て、今日の紳士協約が満足に運用し居らずと判断せらるゝならば、我政府は、何時にても、双方に満足なる改訂を加ふる為に相談を開始することゝ思ふ。此方法は当事者方のみの立法によるよりも、紳士的なりと思はれる。ワシントン会議は、困難なる国際問題を解釈するには、如何にしたならば宜敷いかを、我々に教へて呉れたのである。
以上腹蔵なく意見を陳述したのは、一に日米両国の友誼と親善とを増進したいといふ希望に出で、又両国の国際関係を相互尊重、相互顧念といふ基礎の上に置くことによつて、あらゆる難問題を、有効且つ完全に解決せんことを希望せるが故に外ならぬ。最後に臨み、余は日本が米国との七十年間の国交により、多大の利益を得たる事を深く喜び尚将来両国の友誼と親善とが、年と共に固く愈深からん事を祈り、又願くば此等に対する貴下の御意見を、近い中に承り得たいと希望し、併て余は、米国の友人を以て任んずる多くの日本人中の一人たる事を附言して擱筆する。
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　以上

（シドニー・エル・ギューリック）書翰控　　渋沢栄一宛　一九二三年六月二九日
　　　　　　　　　　（シドニー・エル・ギューリック氏所蔵）
　　　　　　　　　　　　(COPY)
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　SS. Korea Maru,
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　June 29, 1923
Viscount Shibusawa,
　　Tokyo, Japan.
My dear Viscount :
　　You will be interested in knowing that while I was in Honolulu I had many opportunities to speak on American Japanese Relations. In fact, during the twelve days there I made 18 addresses of which all but two were in English.
　　One of my addresses was before the Rotary Club and as
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 a result I met several groups of business men in which we discussed the question of a Joint High Commission.
　　As perhaps you may have heard, Congressmen Johnson and Baker have recently visited the Hawaiian Islands. On their return to California they issued a statement on the Japanese situation in Hawaii and the needed legislation which has stirred up considerable discussion.
　　Those politicians propose to push their program of a law passed by Congress to completely stop all further Japanese immigration ; to deny American citizenship to American-born Japanese who return to Japan ; and to amend the Federal Constitution so as to deny American citizenship to Americanborn children of aliens ineligible to citizenship.
　　The Hawaiian papers and leaders of public opinion are all against these proposals. In talking about these matters I suggested that the Hawaiian leaders should secure resolutions by the various clubs and organizations which could be used in the States to offset the propaganda of the Californian politicians, and I suggested that in those resolutions they might urge the establishment of a Joint High Commission to make a full investigation before Congressional action of any kind should be taken.
　　I found some hesitancy to commit themselves to the plan of such a Commission because it was known that Secretary Hughes had expressed himself adversely. I had to leave Honolulu before the committee that was appointed to draft the proposed resolutions reported, but I am confident that something fairly effective will be drafted and passed. President Dean, Dr. Albert Palmer and Mr. Riley Allen constitute the committee, all of them fine men, and fair-minded.
　　On the whole, the situation in Hawaii is progressing satisfactorily. The language schools are cooperating with the Educational Department excellently, only twelve of them trying to break the recent law by legal proceedings.
　　It is clear to me, however, that the sooner the Japanese Diet changes the law defining the age period within which expatriation is permitted, the better. It is also clear that the need for so-called picture brides is gone and that it would be wise for the Japanese government to do for Hawaii what it has done for California. I was surprised at the amount of feeling on this subject expressed by our best citizens, those friendly to Japan.
　　The facts of the case seem to be as follows : There are in Hawaii (June 30, 1922) 13,198 more Japan-born males than
 - 第34巻 p.45 -ページ画像 
 females and presumably that is approximately the number of unmarried men. They must, however, be all fairly well on in years, between 35 and 50 years of age. On the other hand, of the Hawaiian-born adult Japanese, there are 318 more females than males ; This is because the young men are leaving fairly rapidly for the mainland after coming of age and able to make their own way. And this will continue.
　　It seems to follow that if Japan-born men wish to marry, it is desirable that they should take Hawaiian-born women. This will be advantageous in several ways. It will provide for the women ― who otherwise may have no opportunity. It will secure for mothers in Hawaii those who are already fairly well Americanized. It will diminish the difficulty which Hawaii is feeling with increasing seriousness of Americanizing the steady stream of fresh foreign individuals.
　　I trust you continue to enjoy good health. With the best of wishes to all the many friends, I am
　　　　　　　　　　　Very cordially yours,
　　○右ハシドニー・エル・ギューリックノ書翰ナリ。

（シドニー・エル・ギューリック）書翰控　渋沢栄一宛　一九二三年七月七日
　　　　　　　　　　（シドニー・エル・ギューリック氏所蔵）
　　　　　　　　　　　　(COPY)
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　July 7, 1923
Viscount Shibusawa,
　　Tokyo, Japan.
My dear Viscount :
　　As you will note, I am now in San Francisco. I landed here July 3rd and have as usual been quite busy with meetings and conferences. Before reaching shore I received a wireless message from Mr. Lynch, asking me to lunch with the California Japan Relations Committee of the Chamber of Commerce. This I did on Thursday, the 5th. Mr. Alexander is now in Europe, but there were six members of the Committee present and we had quite a full discussion.
　　At their request I first of all told of my trip to Japan and then described quite fully the discussion of yourself and the Tokyo Committee in regard to the proposal for a Joint High Commission. Your letter in English, with the Statement, had been received by all the members and had evidently been read with interest and attention.
　　After disposing of the preliminary matters the whole subject was considered with much care. I was much pleased that the gentlemen were willing to take so much time for it ― over two
 - 第34巻 p.46 -ページ画像 
 hours. It was not felt, however, that a final result had been reached. Arrangements were therefore made for another meeting of the committee.
　　I wish I might report to you the various conversations quite fully, but, as that is impossible, I wish to try to summarize the most important points so far at least as I now remember them.
　　The Committee here has manifestly received the impression that the proposed Joint High Commission is to have power to decide matters jointly for the two governments, so that all that would remain would be for the two Governments to ratify the treaties or agreements that the commision might suggest. I tried to make it clear that that is not the nature of the Commission which your Tokyo Committee is proposing. I quoted from your Statement, showing that the Commission is to study the questions, exchange opinions, and make suggestions to the two Governments and peoples.
　　It was suggested that this word "High" is somewhat misleading and that some other name may be better. I have suggested, in a letter to Dr. Lynch which I have just written, that perhaps the name "Joint Friendly Commission" might be better, or even "Joint Commission". In any case, it is clear that a Commission with any kind of "power" is impossible.
　　It came out in the course of the discussion that one of the reasons why Mr. Hughes did not regard with favor the proposal for a Joint High Commission was because he wished to keep the Japanese question out of the approaching Presidential election. He accordingly does not desire to deal with this question during the present Administration. It is easy to see the reason why. The Republican party needs to retain the Californian vote if it is to remain in power. It must do nothing, therefore, to offend the voters. A settlement of the Japanese question that would be satisfactory to Japan would almost surely be unsatisfactory to the California politicians and probably to the majority of the voters in California.
　　This objection, however, may not have weight against the establishment of a Commission merely to study the question and to make recommendations, especially if the Commission is not likely to report until after the elections, November, 1924.
　　In our discussions it was stated that the Tokyo Committee apparently expects results from the work of the proposed Commission that are hardly possible. For one thing, the subject matter of the discussions of the Commission could not include all questions, as the Tokyo Committee expects, because some
 - 第34巻 p.47 -ページ画像 
 of the questions are strictly domestic and the discussion of these by representatives of foreign governments would not be possible ; such, for instance, as State Police Regulations and Land Laws and School Regulations.
　　I am wondering, however, if this objection might not be overcome were the Commission to be for "friendly conference" ― for the purpose of getting and giving each other information as to the points of difficulty, where the "shoe pinches". This is what I am suggesting.
　　It was also stated that your Tokyo Committee expects results that are not possible because you do not fully realize the distinctions between our State and National Governments ― of which you have no parallel in Japan. In Japan, if a score of the real leaders in the Government and the political parties make up their minds that a certain thing should be done, relatively speaking, it is not so difficult to have it done. The situation is quite different here. Though a Joint Commission might recommend a course with clear evidence that that is the right and desirable thing, and although millions of right-minded Americans might endorse it, it is not at all certain that that course will be adopted. American politics are most difficult and complex. The Federal Government cannot coerce a State Government in any matter in which the people of the State are defiant. Note what New York State is now doing about nullifying the national law and the national will about prohibition. Our only recourse is a long, slow process of education.
　　The establishment, therefore, of a Commission that will solve these difficulties and completely remove them, so that there will be no more anti-Japanese agitation is not a practicable proposition.
　　Another point brought out in the discussion was the exceeding difficulty of finding the right men who would serve on the proposed Commission. They must be men who are acceptable both to labor and to capital that, as a rule, take diametrically opposite views on the Japanese question. And they must be men who can be persuaded to leave other important tasks upon which they are at work. They all agreed that Senator Root would be a fine man for such a Commission ― but all also were positive that he would not consent to serve. This difficulty was stated by some to be insuperable.
　　Among the points made clear was this one : The California-Japanese question is not merely an economic one, nor one that is predominantly intellectual : it is primarily emotional ; it is a matter of psychology. It is, therefore, not soluble except
 - 第34巻 p.48 -ページ画像 
 by methods that change mass psychology ― mass feelings. It is, therefore, a problem that will take a long time to straighten out. There is nothing that can possibly be done, however fine and correct in itself, that will entirely stop all opposition and agitation. As long as politicians can capitalize the situation, so long as they can misrepresent it, exaggerate it, and then take advantage of the feelings they have aroused, the agitation will go on.
　　That, however, is not a reason for not doing what we can. Those of us who desire the right thing can do much to take the wind out of the sails of the political agitators by removing all just cause of criticism. The common people will in time recognize the folly and deception of the agitators, and will stop listening to them. One of these questions is that of "dual citizenship", I am satisfied that what I said while in Japan about the importance of settling this question promptly by appropriate legislation in Japan next winter is fully justified. So long as "dual citizenship" continues, so long will the program be pushed of denying American citizenship to American-born Japanese childeren.
　　One of the strong statements made was that Japan has it in her hands to stop all anti-Japanese agitation at any time, if she really wishes to. This she can do at once by stopping absolutely all "immigration" to America; let no more new wives come to the Continent and no picture brides to Hawaii, and no parents and no children born in Japan. Threre is an insistent demand that all real immigration of Asiatics shall absolutely stop. If Japan herself will really take this drastic step, then ― according to the statement ― anti-Japanese agitation will stop.
　　Personally I am not so sure of this. But I am confident that if Japan were to take this drastic step, such agitation as there might be would have very little ― if any ― effect. On the other hand, our program to open the door of opportunity for citizenship to any one who will qualify, regardless of race, would become very much easier and, indeed, quite hopeful. If this were accomplished, there would remain no people "ineligible for citizenship" and all the State laws based upon that principle would be annulled.
　　In the light of what I have heard while in Hawaii and here in California, I am confident that vigorous efforts will be made this coming winter to pass a law for the absolute exclusion of all Japanese immigrants. Of course this will not exclude transient visitors, merchants coming for business, students,
 - 第34巻 p.49 -ページ画像 
 scholars, and the like. But it will exclude new wives, children, parents, and any who come for permanent residence. I have no means of judging as to the probability of the passage of such a law, but Mr. Albert Johnson is reported to have said that he has canvassed the legislators in Congress and is confident that a majority favor such a law.
　　I am earnestly hoping that the San Francisco Chamber of Commerce will favor some form of a Joint Commission. Both countries need it for the education it will bring. Both sides need to know much more about this intrinsically difficult question than they do. Even if the Commission might not solve much ― or even anything ― it will still be useful. I shall work for it as insistently as possible.
　　But I also think that we should not delay other steps which we already see, in the expectation that the Commission will handle them. The Commission may prove impossible for a matter of two or three years yet. In the meantime, we should press vigorously for Japanese legislation that will make possible the doing away with "dual citizenship".
　　I am clear, also, that the giving of passports to "picture brides" going to Hawaii would better stop. Since there are already in Hawaii some 250 more Hawaiian-born adult young women than young men, it is evident that the need for "picture brides" from Japan has passed. It is far better that Japanese men in Hawaii shall marry women born in Hawaii than to get new women who know no English to come to Hawaii, to set up purely Japanese families.
　　I did not expect this letter to be so long, but ― even so ― it seems as though there were many more things of which I should write. I have met here Dr. Harada and Dr. Sawayanagi and other delegates to the Educational Conference. It seems to have been quite a success.
　　Letters here make it plain that I must hurry on to New York, I am, therefore, starting on Monday, July 9.
　　I trust you continue to enjoy good health. Remember me kindly to friends.
　　　　　　　　　　　Very cordially yours,
　　○右ハシドニー・エル・ギューリックノ書翰ナリ。

渋沢栄一電報　　シドニー・エル・ギューリック宛　一九二三年七月九日
　　　　　　　　　　　（シドニー･エル・ギューリック氏所蔵）
　　　　　　　　　　　　　(COPY)
TELEGRAM RECEIVED BY DR. GULICK July 10, 1923
FA431 40 NL
 - 第34巻 p.50 -ページ画像 
　　　　SANFRANCISCO CALIF 10
SIDNEY L GULICK
　　287 FOURTH AVE NEWYORK NY
RECEIVED FOLLOWING MESSAGE FROM SHIBUSAWA TOKYO STOP CONCERNING JOINT COMMISSION I HAVE CABLED GARY WICKERSHAM VANDERLIP HENRY TAFT STOP TAKE EARLIEST OPPORTUNITY SEE GARY WHOSE ACTIVE ASSISTANCE INDISPENSABLE TO OUR SUCCESS STOP RADIOGRAM NUMBER ONE HUNDRED TWENTY THREE JULY NINTH
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　KITASAWA
　　　　　　　　　　(COPY)
　　　　　　WESTERN UNION TELEGRAM
Received at
G263CC 3C RCA WIRELESS VIA SANFRANCISCO
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　TOKYO 28 JUL 9 1923
(TRY) SIDNEY GULICK
　　　　　　(105 East 22 St.,) NEW YORK (NY)
CONCERNING JOINT COMMISSION I HAVE CABLED GARY WICKERSHAM VANDERLIP HENRY TAFT STOP TAKE EARLIEST OPPORTUNITY SEE GARY WHOSE ACTIVE ASSISTANCE INDISPENSABLE TO OUR SUCCESS
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　SHIBUSAWA
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　1054p

（シドニー･エル･ギューリック）書翰　　渋沢栄一宛　一九二三年七月二〇日
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　（渋沢子爵家所蔵）
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　（別筆）
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　八月八日入手
　　　　　　　　　NATIONAL COMMITTEE
　　　　　　　　　　　　　ON
　　　　　　　AMERICAN JAPANESE RELATIONS
　　　　　　　　　287 FOURTH AVE., NEW YORK.
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　July 20, 1923.
My dear Viscount :
　　You will be glad I am sure to learn that my return trip to America has been completed in safety and comfort. On account of the difficulty of steamer accommodations I had to remain in Honolulu twelve days. On arriving in San Francisco July 13th《(Sic)》 I found letters and telegrams that made it necessary for me to come East very promptly, but I remained there a week in order to have time to study the situation a little and to meet the Japan Relations Committee of the San Francisco Chamber of Commerce.
　　I have already written you briefly with regard to that and therefore need not repeat. I would like, however, to say what I think I did not state in my last letter, ― not only did the members of that Committee assure me that there is now very little public interest or discussion of California-Japanese ques
 - 第34巻 p.51 -ページ画像 
tions but that all with whom I talked gave me practically the same statement. One of my friends told of an interview with the Editor-in-chief of the Los Angeles Times, who stated that "the present is the quietest time in the Japanese situation that we have known for four years. The Japanese are not increasing nor coming in illicitly. They are obeying the land laws and many are leaving the country and coming in to the city or returning to Japan."
　　I reached New York July 17th and found awaiting me your cablegram which read as follows :
　　　"Concerning Joint Commission I have cabled Gary, Wickersham, Vanderlip, Henry Taft Stop Take earliest opportunity to see Gary whose active assistance indispensable to our success."
　　You will be glad to know that I have seen both Judge Gary and Mr. Wickersham. Judge Gary gave me more than half an hour for my interview with him yesterday. I was astonished to discover that he had not received a copy of your letter of June 5th with the Statement. Fortunately I had extra copies which I handed him and he read them at once while I was waiting.
　　He stated that in the general plan for a Joint High Commission he cordially concurs, but he felt that it would be very difficult to get President Harding and Secretary Hughes to agree to this plan until after the next presidential election which comes next year, in Novemeber, 1924.
　　After talking over with him the political situation and the advantages of securing a Joint High Commission during the coming winter he changed his attitude somewhat and agreed that our National Committee on American-Japanese Relations, sometime during this autumn, might well hold a public meeting for presenting to the American people this plan for the Joint High Commission. After that meeting representatives of our Committee can then go to Washington in the middle or latter part of November and present this whole proposition to the Administration.
　　I have also had quite a full talk with Mr. Wickersham along these same lines and he is in substantial agreement. The first definite step which we shall take for carrying out these plans will be to hold, about the middle of September, a meeting of a small committee consisting of Judge Gary, Mr. Wickersham, and, if possible, Mr. Vanderlip, Mr. Henry Taft and two or three other outstanding men to discuss this program more fully and determine the exact procedure.
 - 第34巻 p.52 -ページ画像 
　　Mr. Wickersham seems to feel rather strongly the objections to the proposal for a Joint High Commission ; more than does Judge Gary. While he personally is willing to do all he can to secure the Joint High Commission, he is not very optimistic of succeeding.
　　Among the things which Mr. Wickersham said in this connection was a statement to the effect that in the thought of the great mass of Americans, American-Japanese problems have now been so satisfactorily settled that there is nothing further of serious importance, calculated to produce irritation, and that many people will be surprised to learn that there is anything for a Joint High Commission to do ; also that the very proposal for a Joint High Commission will have to be justified by pointing out the difficulties that Japanese leaders feel with regard to the present situation. Moreover, he feels that the problems in Europe are now so pressing that the Administration will no doubt take the ground that the pressure of our European problems is so great that we ought not to take time nor divert attention to a matter of such relative unimportance as the Japanese question.
　　These are, I think, the chief points that have come up in my conversations with Judge Gary and Mr. Wickersham.
　　I hope you are keeping well through this summer season and that great progress may be made in these matters during the coming autumn and winter.
　　With kind regards to any friends, I am,
　　　　　　　　　　　Very cordially yours,
　　　　　　　　　　　　(Signed) Sidney L. Gulick
（右訳文）
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　（栄一墨書）
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　九月十三日一覧
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　回答案取調可申事
　東京市　（八月八日入手）
　　子爵渋沢栄一閣下
　　　　　　　　　紐育、一九二三年七月廿日
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　シドニー・エル・ギユーリック
拝啓
小生は愉快なる旅行を続け無事紐育に帰着仕候間御安心被下度候、ホノルヽにて汽船の便を得難かりしに付十二日間同地に滞在するの止むなきに至り候、七月十三日桑港《（マヽ）》に到着致候処、手紙並電報によりて至急東部に帰るべきを促来り候へども、同地に於ける情況を取調ぶると共に、桑港商業会議所の日本委員《（関係脱）》にも面会致度と存じ、終ニ一週間滞在致事と相成候、桑港に於ける模様に就ては概要已ニ申上候通りに候へば、玆には繰返へさゞるべく候へども、只書漏したりと覚え候ことのみを申上候、今日加州の日本人問題に対しては一般の興味も薄らぎ
 - 第34巻 p.53 -ページ画像 
議論も行はれざるに至れりとは、同委員のみならず、小生が談話せし人々の一様に申居る処に御座候、一友人はロス・アンゼルス・タイムス主筆と面会したる際、同主筆は「今日は過去四ケ年に於て最も日本人問題の静かなる時なり、今日、日本人は増加もせず又妄りに渡来せず、彼等は土地法を遵奉し、地方より都会に集中し、又ハ本国に帰還しつゝあるものも多数あり」と談りし由に御座候
七月十七日紐育に到着したるに左の如き貴電先着致居候
　「聯合高等委員の件に関しゲーリー、ウヰッカーシャム、ヴァンダーリップ、ヘンリー・タフトの諸氏に打電せり、ゲーリー氏の援助は本件の成功に対し欠くべからざるに付至急面会あり度し」
小生はゲーリー、ウヰッカーシャムの両氏に面会致候間御安心被下度候、ゲーリー氏は昨日小生との面会の為め半時間以上を御割愛被下候然ル処氏は六月五日附の貴翰並ニ陳述書の御落手無之候由にて意外に存候、幸にも小生は余分を持参致候間之れを進呈致し、氏は小生の待ち居る間に即座ニ御一読相成候
氏は聯合高等委員設置の計画ニ付ては全体として賛成なるも、一九二四年十一月大統領選挙の終了する迄は、ハーディング大統領及ヒューズ国務卿の賛成を得ること極めて困難なりと感ずる由申され候、政治上の形勢を談り本年冬季に聯合高等委員を設置する方有利なるを物談りたるに、後氏は幾分態度を更め、本年秋紐育日米関係委員会に於て公会を開き、聯合高等委員設置に関する本計画を米国民に向つて発表せんとの案に賛成相成候、右公会を終りて後十一月中旬若くは下旬に紐育日米関係委員会の代表者は華府に赴き、当局者に本計画を提出可致候
本計画に関しウヰッカーシャム氏とも充分の懇談を遂げ候、氏は本来該計画には賛成に御座候、我々は本案実現の第一着手として、九月中旬ゲーリー、ウヰッカーシャムの両氏及若し出来るなればヴァンダーリップ、ヘンリー・タフト及其他二三の有力者と相会して小委員会を開き、本計画につきて更らに充分の懇談を遂ぐると共に、具体的方法をも相定め度と存居候
ウヰッカーシャム氏はゲーリー氏以上に聯合高等委員会の提案に対する反対の多かるべきことを憂慮せられ居候、氏は聯合高等委員実現の為めには如何なる尽力をも惜まれざるも、其成否如何に就きては楽観せられ居らず候
本件に関するウヰツカーシャム氏の言の中に次の如き意味の言葉有之候、米国人の大部分は、日米問題は今日極めて満足に解決せられ居り紛紜の原因として憂慮すべき重大問題存在せずと考へ居るが故に、多くのものは聯合高等委員会を設置すべき必要あるを聞きて驚くなるべし、されど聯合高等委員の提案は日本の一流の人々が現状につきその難問題なりと感ぜられ居る所のものを列挙すれば、其当然必要なるを知らしむるを得べしと申され候、尚ほ米国の当局者は欧洲の問題は今日斯くも重大なる状態に在るが故に、比較的小問題たる日本人問題の如きに没頭して時間を費すべきにあらずと為すべしと申され候
右はゲーリー、ウヰッカーシャム両氏との談話の要点を申上げたるも
 - 第34巻 p.54 -ページ画像 
のに候
今夏閣下には愈御健康のことゝ存候、本年秋冬の候本問題の大いに進展せんことを祈居候
友人諸氏によろしく御鳳声被下度候　敬具

（シドニー･エル･ギューリック）書翰　　渋沢栄一宛　一九二三年九月一九日
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　（渋沢子爵家所蔵）
　　　　　　FEDERAL COUNCIL OF THE CHURCHES
　　　　　　　　　OF CHRIST IN AMERICA
　　　　NATIONAL OFFICES, 612 UNITED CHARITIES BUILDING,
　　　　　　　　105 EAST 22d STREET, NEW YORK
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　September 19, 1923.
My dear Viscount :
　　Words fail me as I commence to write you.
　　During the past few days our papers have been filled with the terrible news of the appalling calamity that has overwhelmed the central part of Japan. It hardly seems possible that those beautiful and enterprising cities which have been so active and progressive in recent years should now be heaps of ashes, or that the hundreds of thousands of people who were so happy and prosperous a few days ago are now destitute and suffering and in sorrow for countless loved ones who have perished in the earthquake, flood and fire.
　　All our newspapers are filled with the news. Every possible source of information is being tapped. Not only is the scanty information from Japan itself given in full and expanded and repeated day after day, but long telegrams from Manchuria and China and London are also published.
　　I started to write you some days ago but then realized that no word had been received in this country regarding your own personal safety. Two or three days ago, however, your name was listed in a cablegram from our Ambassador as among those who are safe. I am deeply relieved and am eager to hear whether or not you were in any immediate danger. It is a great satisfaction, however, to be assured that we still have you with us for I am sure your presence will be most valuable in the great work that confronts Japan in reconstructing the cities and her organized life.
　　The news of the terrible calamity in Japan filled our papers for ten days and our people were deeply stirred with the appalling calamity that has vistied your land.
　　I am glad to be able to report not only, as you already know, the generous response to the appeal of the American Red Cross for relief funds but also the wide-spread expressions of sympathy for Japan and now, more recently, of admiration for
 - 第34巻 p.55 -ページ画像 
 the courage with which your people are grappling with the plans for reconstruction.
　　I am hoping that out of this terrible calamity the mutual feelings of America and Japan may be very much improved. I am also hoping that there will be now for a long time a complete cessation of unfriendly, suspicious attacks from either side upon the other.
　　The activities of our people in responding to the Red Cross appeals have delayed us in many other matters upon which we were working so that the plans wich I was making for a public meeting here in New York, at which a proposal of your Committee for a Joint High Commission should be discussed, has been inevitably delayed.
　　On account of the calamity in Japan I am wondering whether your own financial resources may not be seriously affected. I trust, however, that in spite of losses of which I am almost certain, you will not be materially crippled and that you may be able to carry on many splendid enterprises upon which you have been at work.
　　Hoping that your health has not been affected by these recent experiences and with new assurances of my desire to do all I can to promote right international relations between our two lands,
　　　　　　　As ever, very cordially yours,
　　　　　　　　　　　　　(Signed) Sidney L. Gulick
P.S. Since writing the above I have received from Mr. Aneha, Acting Consul General here in New York, the cablegram forwarded through the Foreign Office. It is a great satisfaction to have this direct word from you.
　　You will perhaps be interested in seeing a copy of the resolutions passed last week by the Administrative Committee of the Federal Council with regard to the Japanese Calamity.
I am therefore enclosing it.
　　　　　　　　　　　Very cordially yours,
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　S.L.G.
Viscount Shibusawa,
　　Tokyo, Japan.

　Resolutions adopted by the Administrative Committee of the
　　Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America
　　　　　　New York City, September 7, 1923.
RESOLVED that the Administrative Committee of the Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America, on behalf of its constituency of over 20,000,000 adult church members hereby
 - 第34巻 p.56 -ページ画像 
　expresses to the Government and people of Japan the profound sympathy and sorrow of the Christian people of America as we learn of the appalling calamity that has come to their land, and suggests to our Churches that prayer to God for Japan and her people be widely offered throughout our land.
RESOLVED further that we urge the Christians of America to cooperate heartily in the emergency program of the American Red Cross in response to the Proclamation of the president. Pending accurate knowledge of the needs for reconstructing our Christian churches, schools, colleges, hospitals, orphanages and asylums, to which it will be our privilege also to respond, it is clear that the first and immediate need of Japan is for food, shelter, clothing and medicine. For this immediate need let us respond promptly to the call of suffering humanity in the spirit of brotherhood and for the practical expression of the ideals of the Kingdom of God.
　（右訳文）
　　　　　　　　　（栄一鉛筆）
　　　　　　　　　十一月十五日一覧、可成丁寧なる回答
　　　　　　　　　案取調可申事
　東京市　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　（十月廿三日入手）
　　渋沢子爵殿　　　　　　紐育、一九二三年九月十九日
　　　　　　　　　　　　　シドニー・エル・ギユーリツク
拝啓
　　玆に筆を執るに臨み、感極り充分意を表はすを不得を遺憾とするものに候
過去数日間当地の新聞紙は、日本の中心に起りし恐るべき震災並に火災の報道を満載致居候、近年著しき活気を呈し居りし美しき心地よき日本の都市が今や灰燼に帰し、数日前迄幸福なる生活を為し居たる幾十万の人々は、産を失ひ、近親を失い、不幸に沈淪せんとは思ひもよらざる処に御座候
当地の新聞紙には災害の報道を以て充たされ居るも、猶諸方面より報道を得ることに力め居候、日本より接手せる僅少の報道も、日々繰返し拡大せられて掲載せられ居るのみならす、満洲・支那・倫敦よりの長文の電報も掲載せられ居候
小生は数日前一書差上げんとしたるも、当時閣下の御安否全然不明なりしに付一応差ひ控へ候、然る処両三日前米国大使よりの電報により閣下の御無事の由を承知致し大いに安堵致候へ共、閣下には非常なる危険に遭遇せられしにはあらずやとの懸念去らず候、日本が市街を再建し旧態に復するには、閣下の御在否が重大なる関係を有するものなるが故に、閣下の御無事は小生の満足に堪えざる処に候
日本に起れる可恐災害の報道は十日間に亘つて我国の新聞紙に掲載せられ、米国民は驚愕措く処を知らざる状況にて、御承知の通り米国に於ては赤十字社の義捐金募集に対して振つて応募したるのみならず、広く日本に対して同情を表し、猶ほ最近には日本が大勇猛心を以て復
 - 第34巻 p.57 -ページ画像 
興事業に没頭せるを歎賞致居ることを御報告し得るを喜ぶものに候
今回の可恐震災を好機会として、日米両国間の感情が大いに融和せられ、猜疑的行為が両国何れの側にも全然其跡を断つに至らんことを希望致居候、先般御提案相成候聯合高等委員会設置の件に関し、小生は紐育に於て公会を開くべき準備中の処、米国民は挙つて赤十字社の義捐金募集の為に尽力致居候為め、自然延引と相成候
今回の震火災の為に閣下の御資産は甚しき損害を蒙りたるには非すやと憂慮罷在候、閣下の御損害は或程度まで大なるもの可有之と存候へども、従来御尽力中の事業は依然御継続可相成ことゝ信居候
今回の災害により閣下には御健康に御支障可無之事と存、小生は日米両国の親善を助長する為には、出来る限りの尽力を惜まざるべきことを申上候　敬具
　二伸　以上書き終り候節、紐育の日本総領事代理姉歯氏より日本外務省経由の貴電廻送に与り正に入手仕候、閣下より直接御通信を忝ふせるは小生の大いに満足する処に候
日本の震災に関する当基督教会同盟委員に於て、先週通過せる決議文写御参考までに同封致候間御覧被下度候　以上

　　　　一九二三年九月七日在紐育米国基督教会同盟会
　　　　評議員に於て通過せる決議文
米国基督教会同盟会評議員は二千万人の基督教会々員に代り、日本政府及国民に対し今回の可恐大災害につき深厚なる同情を表し、猶ほ日本及日本国民の為に神に祈る様全国の教会に提言す
猶ほ米国の基督教信者は大統領の宣言に基き、米国赤十字社の救護事業に心より協力せられんことを希望す、教会・学校・専門学校・病院・孤児院・養育院等の再建に関し正確に調査し其必要に応するは吾等の義務なり、日本の緊急必要品は食料・家屋・衣服・薬品の諸材料なることは明なり、此緊急の必要に対して、吾等は四海同胞の精神と神国の理想とを実際的に発表し、罹災者の急を速に救はんことを期す
右決議す

（シドニー・エル・ギューリック）書翰　　渋沢栄一宛　一九二三年一〇月一七日
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　（渋沢子爵家所蔵）
　　　　　　FEDERAL COUNCIL OF THE CHURCHES
　　　　　　　　　OF CHRIST IN AMERICA
　　　　NATIONAL OFFICES, 612 UNITED CHARITIES BUILDING,
　　　　　　　105 EAST 22d STREET, NEW YORK
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　October 17, 1923
My dear Viscount :
　　Your letter of September 11th has just come to hand. I am delighted to hear from you directly.
　　your cablegram was duly received and I at once wrote to you. Now, however, I am glad to see your own handwriting.
　　Your escape was providential. I am sure that you are rendering most important service in reconstruction activities.
 - 第34巻 p.58 -ページ画像 
　　I have not yet been able to do what I had hoped in bringing the proposal for a Joint High Commission to the attention of our leaders here. I still hope, however, to be able to do it in the course of the next month.
　　Hoping that your health is adequate to the new duties that have come to you, I am, as ever,
　　　　　　　　　　　Very cordially yours,
　　　　　　　　　　　　(Signed) Sidney L. Gulick
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　Secretary
Viscount Shibusawa,
Asukayama, Tokyo.
（右訳文）
　　　　　　　　　　（栄一鉛筆）
　　　　　　　　　　十一月二十八日一覧、親切なる来状ニ付、過日米大使帰米之際及其前より内話したる意味を書添へたる回答案作製致し度事
　東京市　　　　　　　　　　　　　　（十一月十四日入手）
　　渋沢子爵殿　　　　　紐育、一九二三年十月十七日
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　シドニー・エル・ギューリック
拝啓
九月十一日附貴翰正に落掌難有拝誦仕候、閣下より直接御手紙を賜り欣喜罷在候
閣下より電報を拝受するや、小生は直ちに書面を以て御回答差上置候処、閣下の御手跡を拝見して小生の喜謂ふ処を知らず候
閣下が無事難を免れさせられたるは天佑と可申候、定而復興事業の為め最重要なる任務を尽され居ることと存候
小生は聯合高等委員の提唱を当地の主要なる人士に通知する目的を予ねて計画致居候へ共未だ実行致兼居候、多分来月頃決行致し可得かと存候
閣下には充分御健康にて新なる任務を御遂行被遊候様祈居候　敬具

渋沢栄一書翰　控　シドニー･エル・ギューリック宛　大正一二年一二月三一日
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　（渋沢子爵家所蔵）
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　（栄一鉛筆）
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　十二月二十八日一覧
　　　　　　案
　紐育市東二十二街一〇五
　　シドニイ・エル・ギューリック殿
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　東京
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　渋沢栄一
拝復、八月二十九日・九月十九日及十月十七日付の御書面三通何れも落手拝誦仕候、八月二十九日の御書面中には加藤首相並ハーデイング前大統領が世界平和に貢献せしこと、並に両偉人共他界せられ候を遺憾とする旨御記述相成至極御同感に存候、又同書によれば九月中旬頃ジヤツヂ・ゲーリー、ヘンリー・タフト、ヴアンダリップ、及ウヰツ
 - 第34巻 p.59 -ページ画像 
カアシャム氏等と聯合高等委員の件に関して御協議の御予定なりし由定めて有益の結果を見られ候事と存候
九月十九日付の尊書には過般の大震災に関して老生の安否を痛く御憂慮被下候段巨細御認め相成、又東京駐在貴国大使よりの公表的通知により老生の無事なることを知り、更に老生よりの電報を御接手被成、老生の安全なるを確知せられ、全く御安心被下候旨御示し被下、貴台の御芳情感激の至に御座候、這般老生の無難なりしは全く天佑にして向後益社会公共の為に尽力せざるべからずと痛感致候、幸に事変以来さしたる障りもなく、罹災者の救護及経済復興の為め、日夜奔走致居候間御安心可被下候
貴国官民の深厚なる御同情と熱烈なる御援助とは確かに我国民に勇気を与へ、希望と楽観とを以て復興に努力せしめ候義にて、弊国上下等しく感謝罷在候次第に御座候、貴国二千万の基督教徒を代表して発表せられたる基督教会同盟評議員会の決議文同封御送付被下、深き興味を以て拝見仕候
十月十七日付御書面によれば、愈聯合高等委員問題を貴方有力家諸氏に提議して意見を徴せらるる御計画の由欣喜罷在候、老生も本問題に関しては機会ある毎に力説罷在、貴国大使ウツヅ氏にも数回面会し其都度日米親善問題に付意見を交換し、聯合高等委員問題に付詳述致し御賛同を得居候、尤も実行期に関して尚早論を称へられ、来年の大統領選挙期後を以て適当の時期と認められ候、而して其頃には同大使卒先して聯合高等委員設置の為に努力せらるべしとの意を漏らされし次第に御座候、兼ねて老生等の発表せる陳述書及老生の書面に対する反響は可なり良好にて、貴国の名士諸彦よりも其れ其れ回答有之候も、不幸にして書類全部焼失せし為め、其姓名を申上兼候を遺憾に存候
右遷延ながら御回答まで得貴意度如此御座候　敬具
　　○右草案ニ基ク英文書翰ハ、大正十二年十二月三十一日附ニテ発送セラレタリ。

（ローヤル・エー･オズボーン）書翰　　渋沢栄一宛　一九二三年六月三〇日
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　（渋沢子爵家所蔵）
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　（別筆）
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　七月廿七日入手
　　　　　　　　　LOYALL A. OSBORNE
　　　　　　　　　　165 BROADWAY
　　　　　　　　　　　NEW YORK
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　June 30, 1923.
My dear Viscount Shibusawa :
　　I am in receipt of your letter of June 8th enclosing the statement of the Japanese-American Relations Committee of Tokyo which was issued on June 5, 1923.
　　In this statement I recognize the substance of the resolutions of the Japanese-American Relations Committee adopted in Tokyo in 1920, at the sessions of which I had the honor to be present and of being a member.
　　I feel now as I did then that the appointment of a joint
 - 第34巻 p.60 -ページ画像 
 high commission might be useful in bringing about a better understanding especially where there are a variety of points of contention.
　　As I did then, so I venture again the thought that in the event of the appointment of such a high commission, we must not have too much hope of it being able to settle anything since you are now limiting the activities of the commission to a single point of contention.
　　If I read correctly the statement of the Japanese-American Relations Committee above referred to, and the supporting remarks contained in your letter of June 8th, it would appear that the point on which your committee now is laying stress, has to do with what you assert to be the bad treatment of the Japanese in America.
　　At the time our joint committee adopted the resolutions in 1920 there were many points upon which a good understanding was desired. Now I note from your statement that your committee evidently feels that there is but one outstanding question remaining.
　　Of course, this bad treatment I understand does not mean that your countrymen are being subjected to physical violence or anything of that sort except perhaps, in very rare instances, but has to do with certain discriminative legislation by some of our western states such as California, Washington, Oregon and others. The reason why I am less hopeful of such a high commission dealing with this single question successfully is because, as I emphasized when in Japan, as did all the American members of our committee, the regulation of land tenure does not lie with our Federal Government, but under our constitution is a right specifically inhering to the states themselves, so, likewise, the question of the rights of citizens in respect of the franchise, so long as the state law does not conflict with the national constitution.
　　The National Government cannot make treaties in conflict with the constitutional rights of the states and this often seems to be a source of misapprehension on the part of other nations. We Americans appreciate the awkward position in which our Government sometimes is placed in its international relations by reason of this limitation, but it is a very real one and cannot be disregarded or overlooked. I think, therefore, that too high hopes ought not to be entertained as to what such a joint high commission could accomplish. While it might have the effect of bringing out for discussion this contentious question and by such discussion ameliorate the feeling that
 - 第34巻 p.61 -ページ画像 
 exists, such a commission could not be more than recommendatory and unless those recommendations recognized the limitations of our Federal Government and the unquestioned rights of the states, it would be unavailing.
　　I tried to make it clear at the meetings we held in Tokyo that I believed firmly that if the same conditions were to arise in connection with your people in any other part of the United States as exists today in California, the same reaction would be experienced and the same problems arise.
　　It is unfortunate that there should be concentrated in California so many of your people who have brought with them many customs and habits which are alien to the people who live there and which have aroused racial discord and distrust. This is not because your people are not generally law-abiding. It has nothing to do whatever with any feeling of superiority ― questions of superiority or inferiority are not involved. It is racial. As I said in Tokyo, the United States has had a large experience in racial matters and while it is very unusual to find questions of color influencing peoples' feelings in other parts of the world, in America that is often the determining consideration.
　　I think, beside that, you Japanese attribute too much to the influence of the so-called "Yellow Press". Outside of the borders of the western states there is no Japanese question. Your people are generally law-abiding ― there is no intolerance manifested toward them ― they take their places in the business world and are received socially and belong to our best clubs. That is because there is no concentration of them where their customs, manners and ways of living begin to interfere with the customs of the locality. In California and on the western coast we find radically different conditions and the real Japanese question, so-called, is really a California question and has become so due to the reasons I have given.
　　It is unnecessary for me to repeat what you already know about the California situation. If I am correctly informed, however, one of the causes of the educational restrictions on the Japanese in California was the fact that some of your young men, in the desire to secure education, entered themselves in the classes of children ― little girls and little boys ― young men of 18 and 20 sitting in classes with children of 6 or 7 years old. Classes are best managed and arranged when children of like age are taught, and no parent would care to have his little child sitting next to a man in a classroom throughout the day whether he were a Japanese or an American-born citizen. Your
 - 第34巻 p.62 -ページ画像 
 people showed frequently in this and other situations, the lack of appreciation of the amenities ; of a proper sense of proportion, by imposing their determination under inopportune conditions. Can you blame the people in that community ― fathers and mothers ― for objecting to your people taking advantage of the law which did not contemplate such uses and in such an inconsiderate way? I mention this as only one of the things which have occurred and which resulted in the legislation which your people say is "unfair". We do not let American citizens of mature years enter infant classes as was the case many times in California, and there is no reason why the Japanese should insist upon a right which no American would think of exercising.
　　Any community will take measures to protect itself against what it considers an unwarranted intrusion of its customs and habits. While, of course, there is no comparison possible between your race and the negroes, intellectually, morally or culturally, it is a fact that one of the gravest problems we have, and not growing less with time as the negroes spread more and more from the southern states, is the "color" problem and that of the proper adjustment of relations of two unlike races living side by side between which there is that impassable gulf of "color" prejudice. While I do not defend, as you know, the attitude of the states in the west toward your countrymen in all respects, I think that at least they have not been subjected to violence except in very rare cases, as the antagonism has not reached that point. With the other "color" question with which we have to deal and to which I have just referred, there is scarcely a day passes where that antagonism does not manifest itself in violent acts.
　　As I said to your Viscount Kaneko, and I think to you, the problem of the Japanese in America is one of distribution. If by some means the concentration which exists in our western states could be broken up and your people distributed over the United States there would be no difficulty and the question would resolve itself. They would find their places in communities to which they went. They would find no antagonism. They would find no prejudice of discrimination. Just so long, however, as that concentration lasts in California and in the western states and Hawaii, you are going to feel that they are being treated unfairly because I am sure that the people of California, Oregon and Washington and other western states have determined firmly and no power in America can change it, that they are not going to permit the growth of colonies or
 - 第34巻 p.63 -ページ画像 
 groups of Japanese in their communities.
　　It is not necessary for me to assure you that what I say is inspired by the feeling of utmost friendship and respect for the Japanese people, especially for yourself whose friendship and confidence I consider it an honor to possess. I am simply saying what I know to be the fact regrettable as it may be. I believe further that to continually urge the point of treatment of the Japanese is not going to improve the situation, but it will arouse counter animosities even more acute than those which now exist.
　　Please accept, Viscount Shibusawa, the assurances of my warm regard and great respect.
　　　　　　　　　　　　　Very truly yours,
　　　　　　　　　　　　(Signed) Loyall A. Osborne
Viscount E. Shibusawa,
　　Tokyo, Japan.
（右訳文）
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　（栄一墨書）
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　九月十三日一覧
　東京市　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　（七月廿一日入手）
　　子爵渋沢栄一閣下
　　　　　　　　　　　　紐育、一九二三年六月卅日
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　ローヤル・エイ・オスボーン
拝啓
六月八日附の御手紙並に六月五日に御発表相成たる東京日米関係委員会の陳述書夫々入手仕候
一九二〇年東京に於て開かれたる日米関係委員会には、小生も委員の一人として列席の栄を得たるものに候が、其節可決せられたる決議の要領が右陳述書中に存するを諒知致候
小生は当時聯合高等委員なるものは、議論区々にして一致を見ざる場合に相互の諒解を得る為めの調停手段たるべきものなりとの意見を抱き居りしが、今日に於ても同様の主張を有するものに御座候
小生は当時右委員の任命に対する意見を提出致候が、今復た之れと同意見を繰返へして申上度と存候、即小生は高等委員の任務を御申越の如く調停機関たらしむるに留むるものとせば、該委員の任命によりて凡有問題を解決し得べしとは考ふること能はず候
右日米関係委員会の陳述書並に六月八日附の御手紙に対する余が諒解にして誤らずとせば、貴委員会御主張の要点は米国に在留せる日本人の受け居れる待遇問題を解決せん事を力説せらるゝものと解釈致候
一九二〇年の聯合委員会に於て可決せられたる決議文中には、諒解を必要とする点を多数列挙せられたりしも、今貴陳述書に就てみるに、解決を要する問題は只一つなりとせられ居る様見受け申候
勿論待遇問題と申候ても、貴国民が或僅少の例外を除き暴行又は之れに類する迫害を受け居れりといふ意味にては御座なく、即ち加州・ワシントン州・オレゴン州其他の西部諸州に於て制定せられたる差別的
 - 第34巻 p.64 -ページ画像 
法律より生ずる悪影響を意味するものと存候、此唯一の問題を解決せんが為めに斯くの如き高等委員を設け候とも、之れが成功を期待するは無理なりと小生は愚考致候、而して其理由は、小生が総べての米国側委員と共に力説致候如く、土地所有権及選挙権の制定は、中央政府が其憲法に抵触せざる限り、之を各州の自由に任かするものなるが故に御座候
中央政府は州に帰属せる憲法上の権限を無視して外国と条約を結ぶこと能はざる次第にて、諸外国が常に我が国の政体を誤解する原因も此処に存するものに候、吾々米国人は斯る政体の下に国家をなし居るが為めに、国際関係に於て屡々中央政府を困難の地位に陥らしむること有之候へ共、之れは我が国民生活の根本的問題なれば、決して之れを軽視し又は看過すること能はざるべく、従つて如此高等委員を設け候ても余り多くを期待すべからざるものと存候、右委員にして調停の任に当り、此れによりて感情の融和を計るものとせば、委員の設置に賛成する価値あるも、此れとて中央政府の権限並に州の当然の権利を度外視しては其実を挙ぐる能はざるべく候
今日の加州問題と同一の問題が米国の他の方面に於ても発生致候暁には、随所に之れと同一の反動及び同一の問題が発生すべしと確信致居ることを、小生は東京の会議に於て御話致せし筈に有之候
加州に多数の日本人が集り、米国人と全然異れる風俗・習慣を固持せるが為めに、人種間の軋轢を醸し且つ相互に疑惑の念を抱かしむるに至りしは遺憾の次第に御座候、そは日本人が一般に法律を遵守せざるが為めに生じたるにあらず、又一方が己れよりも優秀なる国民なりといふ観念を抱けるより生じたりしものにもあらず、優劣の観念の如きは微塵だも無之、只人種の相違せるのみによりて生じたる問題に御座候、当時東京にて小生の申上げ候通り、人種問題に関しては米国は苦き経験を有し居るものに候、人種問題によりて国民が斯くも大なる影響を蒙るは世界何れの地にも見ざる処には候へども、米国に於ては本問題は屡々重大問題と相成る次第に御座候
猶貴国民は所謂黄色紙の報道を過大視せらるゝ傾向有之候へども、西部諸州以外には日本人問題は之れを見ること不能候、日本人は一般に法律を遵守する国民にして、彼等に対して大なる偏頗の感を抱ける米国人は無之候、日本人は米国人と共に商業にも従事し、社交界にも出で、一流の倶楽部にも加入致居候、そは彼等が一ケ所に集中することなく、従つて彼等の風俗・習慣・生活様式がその居住せる地方の慣習に背馳せざるによるものに候、然るに加州並に西部諸州に於ては根本的に事情を異にするを以て、爰に日本人を中心とする所謂加州問題なるもの存する所以にして、其原因は割居問題によりて醸されたるものに御座候
加州の状況に就て已に御承知の点は再繰返へして申上ぐる必要は無之候へども、小生の聴きし所に誤なしとせば、加州の日本人に対して教育上の制限を加ふるに至れる一原因は、次の如き事実に基因せるものの由に御座候、即ち十七八歳の日本青年が教育を受けんとして六七歳の少年・少女の組に入学致す事に候、同年輩の少年・少女のみなれば
 - 第34巻 p.65 -ページ画像 
組は最も好都合に行くものに候へ共、日本生れのものにても米国生れのものにても、青年の傍に幼少年を終日座せしむることは、彼等の両親達の全然好まざる所に候、然るに右日本青年は斯る状況に遭遇するとも一向無頓着にして、他の便不便を顧みず妄に自己の意のまゝに振舞はんとするが如きこと屡々有之候、児童の保護者即ち両親達は、斯る情態を予想せざりしが為め勿論禁止法の如きものを制定せざりしも之れに乗じて小学校生徒等に迷惑を及ぼすが如き処為に出づるとは、不謹慎の態度と見るべきものに無之候や、此は一例に過ぎず候へども此る弊害を防がん為に法律を制定すれば、此れを目して貴国民は「不公平」と叫び候も、我が邦に於ては青年学生を幼年組に入るを許さゞるものに候、果して然らば米国民が自己の子弟の間にさへ許さゞるものを、加州に於て屡々見るが如く、之れを日本人の子弟に許さゞる可からざる理由有之候哉
異風俗・異習慣が侵入せんとする時、此れに対する防禦方法を講ずるは何れの社会に於ても無理からぬ処に御座候、勿論日本民族と黒人種とは知識・道徳・教養等何れの点よりするも比較すべからざるものには候へども、嘗て黒人種が南部地方より次第に八方に拡がりしと同様時と共に拡大しつゝあるは此「人種」問題に有之、米国民にとりて重大なる問題に御座候、此等二つの異人種は相接して居住し、而も「人種」的偏見といふ超ゆべからざる溝渠が其間に存在し、其調和を得ること頗る困難なる情態にあるは事実に御座候、小生は西部諸州が貴国民に対してとれる態度を弁護せんとするものには無之候へども、西部各州の日本人は極僅少の例外を除き暴行を受けたる如きこと無之候、そは未だ反感が其程度に達せざるが為に候、前に申上げたる通り、吾国の当面せる日本人以外の人種問題にありては、其反感の甚しき為め終に之れが暴行として現はれざるは一日として無之候
金子子爵のみならず閣下にも申上げし事と存候が、米国の日本人問題の解決の要訣は、日本人を分散せしむるに在りと存候、若し何等かの方法によりて西部諸州に集合せる日本人を、米全国の各地に分散することを得ば、問題は極めて容易に解決可致候、彼等日本人も随所に夫夫其居所を求むるを可得、又何等の反対・偏見・差別的待遇に接せざるべくと存候、加州其他の西部諸洲及布哇に於て日本人が依然集合を継続する限り、彼等は不公平なる待遇を受くべく候、夫れは加州、オレゴン、ワシントン其他の西部諸州の米国人は、其地に日本人の殖民地其他群住の発達するを絶対に禁止せんと深く決する処あり、且つ米国に於ては如何なる力も此決心を動かすこと能はざるが為に候
以上縷述致候は、小生が貴国民特に多大の友誼を忝ふし居る閣下に深く敬意を表し候為、その至情より発せるものなる事は申すまでもなき処に御座候、加州の日本人問題の情況は今日頗る慨嘆すべき情態には有之候へども、事実として申上げたる次第に御座候、猶御注意までに一言申上げ度きは、日本人の待遇問題を常に論議するは、形勢の良化を計り得る所以にあらず、却而悪化せしむるものと確信罷在候、終に臨み最上の敬意を奉表候　敬具

 - 第34巻 p.66 -ページ画像 

（ドン・シー・サイツ）書翰　　渋沢栄一宛　一九二三年七月五日
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　（渋沢子爵家所蔵）
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　（別筆）
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　七月廿八日入手
　　　　　　　　　　　　　The World
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　New York,
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　July 5, 1923.
Viscount E. Shibusawa,
　　Tokyo, Japan.
My dear Viscount Shibusawa.
　　I have your circular letter concerning the remaining differences between Japan and the United States, with your request for an opinion.
　　It is of course regrettable that any friction whatever should exist between the two nations, but I do not think that any agitation on the lines laid down in your interesting communication will be helpful at the present moment. My belief is that agitation produces agitation and that tranquility operates to produce tranquility. What we need is a dose of Oriental calm.
　　With best, wishes, I am,
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　Very truly,
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　(Signed) Don C. Ceitz
（右大意）
貴翰落掌せり。小生は貴殿の主張を実施したりとて日米間の国交改善に資する所なしと思惟す。運動は更に運動を生み、平静は平静の因たり。余は東洋的平静を推すものなり。

渋沢栄一電報　　ヘンリ・ダブリュー・タフト宛　一九二三年七月九日
　　　　　　　　　　　　（ヘンリ・ダブリュー・タフト氏所蔵）
　　　　　　　　　　　　　(COPY)
　　　　　　　　　WESTERN　　　　UNION
　　　　　　　　　　TELEGRAM
WIRELESS, VIA SANFRANCISCO　　　　JUL. 9, 1923.
　　　　　　　　　　　TOKIO
HENRY TAFT
　　40 WALL STREET
　　　　NEW YORK
　　GULICK WILL EXPLAIN DETAILS PLAN JOINT COMMISSION STOP HOPE YOUR HEARTY ACTIVE SUPPORT.
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　SHIBUSAWA
　　○ヘンリ・ダブリュー・タフトハ大統領ウィリアム・ハワード・タフトノ弟ニシテ、ニュー・ヨーク日本協会ノ会長タリシ人ナリ。

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（ハーバート・ビー・ジョンソン）　書翰　　渋沢栄一宛　一九二三年七月一一日
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　（渋沢子爵家所蔵）
　　　　　　　　PACIFIC JAPANESE MISSION
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　OF THE
　　　　　　　　　METHODIST EPISCOPAL CHURCH
　　　　　　　　HERBERT BUELL JOHNSON
　　　　　　　　　　SUPERINTENDENT
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　O. BOX 29. BERKELY. CAL.
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　July 11, 1923
Viscount E. Shibusawa,
　　Tokyo, Japan.
My dear Viscount :
　　Please accept my very hearty thanks for your letter of the fifth of June, inclosed with a Statement of the Japanese American Relations Committee of Tokyo. Your letter is very clear and comprehensive and shows a remarkable grasp of the international situation. I am very thankful for your frank
 - 第34巻 p.71 -ページ画像 
 statement of the real situation in Japan at the present time.
　　I have recently been in conference with Dr. Gulick and a group of Japanese and Americans at the Fairmont Hotel in San Francisco, and in another conference with a different group at the St. Francis Hotel. Japan and the Japanese have many sincere friends among our American people, and I am hoping that they may unite in the same careful study which you have given to these important matters. To me the situation seems much more hopeful than previously, though there are still serious difficulties to be overcome. I am glad to have had a humble part in trying to bring about a complete understanding, and at this distance to be honored with association with you in so worthy a movement. May your ilfe and health be long continued.
　　　　　　　　　　　Always sincerely,
　　　　　　　　　　(Signed) Herbert B. Johson
（右訳文）
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　（栄一墨書）
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　九月十三日一覧
　東京市　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　（八月二日入手）
　　子爵　渋沢栄一閣下
　　　　　　　　　　加州バークレイ、一九二三年七月十一日
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　ハーバート・ビー・ジョンソン
拝啓
六月五日附の貴翰並ニ御同封の東京日米関係委員会の陳述書正ニ落手難有拝読仕候、貴翰は誠ニ諒解致し易く且つ国際関係を良く御説述相成感じ入り候、又陳述書中には日本の現状を腹蔵なく御披瀝被下奉感謝候
最近小生はギューリック博士、及多数の日米の人士と桑港フェヤモント・ホテルに相会し、又更らに聖フランシス・ホテルに於ける別の会合に出席協議致候、日本及日本人に対する真面目なる友人は米国人中に多数有之候へば、此等の人々が団結し、已に閣下等によりて御研究中なる此等重要問題につきて周到なる研究を為さん事を希望致候、小生は日米関係の現状は従来よりも遥に良好なりと存候へども、尚ほ解決を急ぐべき重要問題残存致候、小生は完全なる諒解を招徠せんが為めに微力相尽候事を満足致居るものに候、又斯る遠隔の地に在り乍ら閣下より御好誼を忝うせることを感謝致居るものに御座候、終ニ臨み閣下の御健康を祈上候　敬具

（ジェームズ・エー・ブレイズデル）書翰　　渋沢栄一宛　　一九二三年七月一二日
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　（渋沢子爵家所蔵）
　　　　　　　　　　　　POMONA COLLEGE
　　　　　　　　　　　CLAREMONT, CALIFORNIA
PRESIDENT'S OFFICE
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　July 12, 1923.
 - 第34巻 p.72 -ページ画像 
The Honorable Viscount E. Shibusawa,
　　Tokyo, Japan,
Dear Sir :
　　Please allow me to acknowledge with deep appreciation your enclosure of June 5, 1923, and to assure you that I enter heartily into the considerations and the purposes which your communication presents. I should count it a privilege to do anything in my power to cooperate with you and your associates in securing the fullest measure of international accord, and I warmly approve your suggestion of an International High Commission.
　　You doubtless know that there is a very large proportion of the citizens of the western United States which does not approve many of the public policies which have characterized our national relations, and that we have publicly and earnestly opposed them. We, nevertheless, believe that many who have approved them have done so only out of a sincere feeling that the ultimate welfare of the races around the Pacific was to be best assured by a gradual process of interrelation rather than by the mingling of our peoples en masse. I believe that this point of view should be appreciated and that it should be understood that there exists generally in Amercia such a high degree of esteem and respect for the Japanese people and nation as to give good promise for the future.
　　It seems to me that we must exercise great patience.Mandkind only slowly grows out of its primitive antagonism race toward race, and only through the slow development of international acquaintance can the old prejudices and antagonisms of the early day of humanity be overcome. I beileve, however, that this beneficent progress is surely taking place, and that out of the prejudices and misunderstandings of our primitive nature the better day of universal brotherhood is emerging. It is a joy to feel that some of us scattered widely the world over have entered into this happy fraternity, and I greet you as one of the forerunners of that day when "man to man shall brother be" the world over.
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　Faithfully yours ,
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　(Signed)
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　JAMES A. BLAISDELL
（右訳文）
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　（栄一墨書）
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　九月十三日一覧
　東京市　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　（八月九日入手）
　　子爵　渋沢栄一閣下
　　　　　　　　　加州クレアモント、一九二三年七月十二日
 - 第34巻 p.73 -ページ画像 
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　ジェームス・エイ・ブレイズデル
拝啓
六月五日附の貴翰並ニ同封の陳述書正ニ難有落手、御申越の件に就き充分熟慮仕候、小生は国際平和を確保するに足るべき充分なる方法を講ずるが為に、閣下及び御友人諸氏と提携して尽力するを光栄とし、尚ほ聯合高等委員設置の提案に対しても、衷心より賛意を表するものに御座候
御承知の通り、米国西部地方の市民中には、我米国の特徴とする国策に対して賛意を表せざるもの多く、私共は公然熱心に此等の人々に対抗致候、乍然此国策に賛意を表せる多くのものは、太平洋の周囲に在る各人種の究極の幸福は、我々国民が雑然交際することによりて得らるゝものにはあらずして、各人種間の関係を徐々に良化せしめざれば之れを確保すること能はずとの、真面目なる考を抱き居るものに御座候、小生は、彼等の見地は是認すべきものなりと信じ居るものに有之候、米国人は一般に日本及日本人に対して深厚なる敬意を表し居り、且つその将来に対しても大なる望を属せるものなること何卒御諒承被下度候
吾々は大いに忍耐せざるべからざるものゝ如く考へられ候、人類は人種間の軋轢といふ原始的の争より離脱すること最も後れ候へども、国際間の諒解を徐々に増進することによりて、旧来の偏見と敵意とを除去し得べしと存居候、人類は今や此の立派なる道程に入らんとし、原始的の偏見と誤解とを除去して、次第に四海同胞の実を挙げんとせるものなりと存候、私共志を同じうするもの、世界の各地に散在して幸福なる日の実現の為めに力を尽しつゝあるは、小生の喜びに堪えざる処に御座候、私は所謂「四海同胞」の実を挙げんが為には、敢て其先駆者を以て自任するものなることを申添え候　敬具

（原田助）書翰　　渋沢栄一宛　大正一二年八月一六日
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　（渋沢子爵家所蔵）
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　（別筆）
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　回答済
　　　大正十二年八月十六日帰布船中ニテ認ム
　東京　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　原田助
　　渋沢子爵閣下
爾来愈御安泰奉慶賀候、偖先般御送付被成下候日米関係委員会ノ陳述書及之ニ関スル御書翰正ニ領掌謹ンテ拝誦仕候
小生義去六月中旬ホノルヽ出発、桑港ニ於ル世界教育大会ニ日本代表者ノ一人トシテ列席致シ、其後数週間各地回遊ノ後、去十一日羅府発ノ汽船ニテホノルヽヘ向ケ帰航ノ途次ニ有之候、貴書類ハ桑港滞在中ニ領掌仕候、又ギユリキ博士ニモ同所ニテ面会致シ、日米関係委員会ノ状況等委細伝聞仕候、桑港ニテハリンチ氏ト数回会見致候、アレキサンダー氏ハ外遊中ニテ御座候、又同地滞在中昨年来継続ノ有志日米問題研究会ニ出席、商業会議所ノ日米関係委員会ニハギユリキ氏ト共ニ列席、サクラメントニテハマクラチー氏ト会見、其他各地ニテ多数ノ人々ト会見ノ機会ヲ以テ「陳述書」ノ主意ニ基キ高等委員設置ノ可
 - 第34巻 p.74 -ページ画像 
否ニ付諸氏ノ意見ヲ叩キ申候、一般人士ノ間ニテハ賛成者多ク見受候得共、政客・新聞記者殊ニ排日ニ傾キタル人士ハ概シテ反対又ハ冷澹ノ態度ニ御座候、桑港商業会議所ノ委員諸氏ハ主義トシテハ勿論賛成ニ有之候得共、右希望実現ニ対シテハ不少難関アルベシトノ意見ニテ有之候、委細ハリンチ氏ヨリ直接申上候事ト存候間玆ニハ略仕候
偖前記日米問題研究会ノ発意ニ依テ、在米日本人実情調査会設置ノ件ニ付テハ既ニ御聞及ノ事ト存候、右ハ幸ニシテ実行ノ運ニ至ルベキ見込ニ有之候、其結果ニ付テハ日本人側ニテハ有利ナルベシトノ希望ニ有之候得共、勿論何ントモ逆睹シ難キ事ニ有之、事実ヲ事実トシテ将来ノ方策ヲ決スルノ精神ガ最モ肝要カト奉存候
或人々ノ間ニハ、高等委員設置ノ儀ヲ右実情調査結了後迄延期スベシトノ説モ有之候得共、調査進行ト高等委員会設置トハ併行セシメテ何等ノ撞突無之様ニ存候、此件ニ付テハギユリキ氏ヨリ詳細申上候事ト存候
先ハ乍延引拝答旁匆々敬具
○下略

（チヤールズ・チェニー）書翰　　渋沢栄一宛　一九二三年一〇月一六日
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　（渋沢子爵家所蔵）
CHENEY BROTHERS
SOUTH MANCHESTER
CONNECTICUT
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　October 16, 1923.
Viscount E. Shibusawa,
　　Tokio, Japan.
Dear Viscount :
　　It was a great satisfaction to me and to others associated with me to receive from you your cablegram of September 18, announcing your miraculous escape at the time of the terrible earthquake and fire in Japan. It has been almost impossible for us to learn even yet the fortunes of our friends at that time and it was, therefore, with great relief that we received your news. I cannot adequately express to you the sense of shock and consternation the news of your great disaster created amongst us. Our people as a unit are extending to you their sympathy and their goodwill and are eagerly looking forward to seeing you overcome the tremendous burdens which have been put upon you in re-creating your cities and rehabilitating your commerce, finances and industry. We are anxious to assist in such ways as are possible. We heartily agree with you that one comforting feature in this dark hour is the unconquerable optimism of your people to strive for restoration. We have complete assurance in our own minds that Japan will heroically meet the situation and emerge from this dark hour stronger and better than ever. To those who have escaped,
 - 第34巻 p.75 -ページ画像 
　we extend our sincere congratulations. For those who have gone, we mourn with you, and to all we extend our sympathy.
　　You have, perhaps, been wondering why I have not answered your circular letter of June 5, touching upon the international relationships of Japan and America. I have not forgotten this matter and your letter has been kept upon my desk ever since, but I have wished to reflect upon it and confer with others, and am now surprised to find how much time has gone by without an answer.
　　I hesitate to touch upon these subjects now, since your national calamity has changed the whole atmosphere, and I hardly know how to take up at this time the cool study of the difficult problems which you have placed before me. I can only say that I am absolutely in accord with your opinion in regard to all the points which you have touched upon. I most sincerely look forward to the day when exact justice, which is of more moment even than friendliness, shall be given to all Japanese sojourning in our country. I am not unmindful of the fact that they have not always received that justice and I sincerely hope that the time will come when wiser counsel will prevail and the demagogs and the trouble-makers will be obliged to step aside.
　　Although I freely admit that there has been a wrong understanding by many of our people and that errors have been committed, I think that perhaps there is also some blame upon the other side, due also to misunderstanding of the true situation, and this makes me glad to second your proposal for the creation of a joint High Commission, representing both sides for further study of all questions tending to irritate and complicate our mutual relations. There is nothing so dangerous as misunderstandings and there is no means so well calculated to dissipate misunderstandings as friendly conferences.
　　Just before the time of my leaving Yokohama on May 14, 1920 I wrote to you expressing very frankly my views upon some of the points at issue and I am taking the liberty of quoting from that letter as it is quite possible that you have forgotten about it and probably your records have been destroyed in the recent fire. I should have hesitated then, and should hesitate now, to speak to you so frankly and openly had I not had an opportunity to observe myself how open and fair-minded your attitude is and how really friendly your disposition is towards us. I, therefore, feel confidence that you will understand my points and not find in them any trace of hostility or unkindness.
　　I quote:
 - 第34巻 p.76 -ページ画像 
　　"Aside from questions relating to the silk industry, I should have liked to have talked with you about those questions which are so much occupying our minds in connection with our international relationships. First I hope that it is not necessary for me to explain that I am frankly and openly friendly to the Japanese, and I should like to add that I am a life member of the Japan Society. Furthermore I believe that I am right in stating that the American people admire the Japanese and are very friendly in their feelings towards them and wish them well. How then shall we explain their objection to Japanese immigration? The answer must be found in other reasons than those of hostility or unfriendliness. I believe that this matter is not so difficult to understand as it seems to be at first sight. We must consider two different sides of the matter.
　　"First comes our historical experience and secondly the economic problems involved. I hope that you will not think from what follows that I have any intention of making a comparison between the Japanese and the Negro, but I do wish to point out that we have had a terrible experience with a race problem due to the great numbers of Negroes living in America and that it has taught us that there are many serious and dangerous problems which arise when peoples of different races live together. Our experience in this thing has been further impressed upon us by like experiences with our own Indians. With the Chinese and with the half breed Mexicans.
　　"The difficulties and the dangers of these race problems do not seem to be less when the two races in question are of equalstanding, but are perhaps even more perplexing and dangerous than in cases where one of the races is inferior.
　　"Next comes the economic considerations. As long as the Japanese, or other Asiatic peoples, are willing to work and live under conditions which are not acceptable to our American laborers, they will look upon their presence as a competition likely to lower the American standard of living, and wages, and will oppose their entry into the country. This will be the point of view of the labor unions who are powerful, and who will use all possible means of opposing further immigration.
　　"As a result of these considerations. I believe that I am right in saying that it has been generally accepted as a fixed fundamental part of our national policy that we shall oppose any further immigration of other races than our own, and I do not believe that any arguments can be used which will be strong enough to change the general public opinion upon these questions.
 - 第34巻 p.77 -ページ画像 
　　"It is going to be much easier to keep our two nations in a state of friendliness than it would be to bring them back into paths of friendship after they had become separated in sympathy by strains and differences, and I can think of no surer way of creating such strains than by continuing a succession of exchanges of demands and refusals. It is essential to our mutual safety and good feeling that we should as soon as possible arrive at a common understanding upon these questions which can serve as a permanent basis of agreement."
　　I am not pretending that these views of mine represent the conscious thought of the American people. I do not believe that most have reasoned out their mental attitude in precisely this way, but I do believe that the considerations which I have pointed out underlie the attitude and thought of our peole, which is that the best interests of each require development along separate but very friendly lines, and that any attempt to go against fundamental laws of natural selection and seek to bring about a mingling of races or joint habitation are likely to hinder rather than promote the welfare and happiness of both.
　　　　　　　　　　Yours very sincerely,
　　　　　　　　　　　　　(Signed) Charles Cheney
CC HB
（右訳文）
　　　　　　　　　（栄一鉛筆）
　　　　　　　　　十二月二十八日一覧、回答案取調之事
　東京市　　　　　　　　　　　　　（十一月十四日入手）
　　子爵　渋沢栄一殿　　　　　　サウスマンチエスター、
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　一九二三年十月十六日
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　チヤールス・チエニー
拝啓
先般日本に起れる可恐大震火災に際し、閣下には不思議に災厄を免れられ候趣、九月十八日附の貴電により承知致し私始め友人一同欣喜罷在候、当時友人の安否に就ては一向承知不致憂慮致居候に付、閣下の御無事との報道を得て大いに安堵仕候、貴国に於ける大災害の報道に接したる時私共の驚愕は名状すべからざるもの有之候、米国民一同は貴国民に対し深厚なる同情と厚意とを寄せ、猶ほ都市の復興及商業・財政・工業の再興といふ重大事業を完成せらるゝを期待罷在候、私共は出来得る限り貴国を援助申上度と存居候、此惨害の中に在りてせめてもの慰めとすべきは、貴国民が楽観的精神を以て復興の為に努力相成候事に御座候、日本は今日の暗黒時代に処し、必ずや旧時に優る強大の国家を作出す事なるべしと確信罷在候、震災に際し幸ひ無事なるを得たる人々に対しては、謹んで御喜びを申上げ、猶不幸にして逝去せられたる人々に対しては、貴国民と共に悲み、爰に謹んで弔意を表し候
日米両国の国交関係に関する六月五日附の御芳書に対する御返事の遅
 - 第34巻 p.78 -ページ画像 
延せる事に就ては、定而御不審を抱かれ居ることゝ存候へども、小生は決して此件を忘れたるにはあらず、常に御芳状を机上に置き、反復考慮し、尚ほ他の人々とも協議致候為御返事意外に遅延致し驚居候、過般の大震災の結果全般の形勢一変せる今日、此等国交問題に触るゝことは小生の躊躇する処に御座候、小生は閣下によりて提出せられたる重大問題を、今日冷静に攻究するには如何なる方法によるべきかは承知せざる処に候、只閣下の御指摘相成たる諸点に対しては、小生は全部賛意を表せんとするものなる事丈は申上置度と存候、猶小生は友誼よりも重要なる正義を以て、将来在米日本人に臨むの日の来らんことを衷心より期待罷在候、小生は在米日本人が常に正当なる待遇を受け居らざることを承知致し居るものに有之、将来思慮ある説が有力となり、煽動者又は騒擾の張本人が其跡を絶つに可至を衷心より希望罷在候
米国民の間に誤解を抱けるものあるによりて、問題発生の原因となりし事は小生の認むる処に候へども、実情に暗きに基因する誤解として当然責めを負ふべきものと存候へば、小生は日米両国の国交を紛糾せしむべき諸問題を解決する目的を以て、両国の代表者を任命し、聯合高等委員会を設け、凡有問題の攻究を為さんとの貴案に対して賛意を表するものに候、誤解程危険なるもの無之、且つ此の誤解を解く為めには友誼に基く協議程有効なる対策無之候
一九二〇年五月十四日小生が横浜を出発せんとするに臨み、小生は書面を以て日米問題に就き愚見を腹蔵なく開陳致置候処、右は定而御忘れ相成且つ過般の震火災の為めに焼失せる事と存候に付、念の為今一応繰返へし左に申上度と存候、米国民に対する閣下の態度が公平無私にして、真に友情を込められ居る事を承知致さずば、当時も今日も斯く遠慮なく愚見を開陳致候ことは不可能事と存候、依而小生は閣下が小生の見地を御諒解相成り、何等小生が敵意又は反感を蔵せざる事を御諒承相成べきことと確信罷在候
小生の手紙は左の通りに候
「絹物業に関する問題の外に常に吾々の念頭を離れざる日米の国交問題に就て、閣下と意見を交換せんことは小生の大いに期待せる処に候ひき、小生は事実日本人に対して親密の感情を有するものなることは贅言を要せざる処に有之候、猶小生は日本協会の終身会員たることを申上置度と存候、米国民は日本国民を賞讃し且彼等に対して親善なる感情を抱持せるものなることを小生は信じ居るものに候私は日本移民の排斥問題は如何に之れを説明すべきか、此れが答は敵意又は反感以外の事由以てせらるべきものと存候、此問題を理解する事は最初予想せる程実際の困難無之と存候、而して此問題を考究するには二方面より為さざるべからずと愚考仕候
第一は歴史的経験にして、第二は経済問題に候、左に述ぶる事の本意は小生が日本人と黒人とを比較せんと試みるものにあらざる事を御諒知可被下事と存候、米国に居住する黒人の数が極めて多数に上りしが為に嘗て米国に人種問題起りたる事有之候、即ち此れにより各種の人種が同一の場所に生活を営む時は重大且つ危険なる問題が
 - 第34巻 p.79 -ページ画像 
発生するものなる事を知る事を得べくと存候、此方面に於ける我国の経験はアメリカンインヂアン、支那人、メキシコ人との混血児との間に生じたる類似の問題によりて、更に深刻なる印象を受くるに至り候
此等の人種問題も相関係する二人種の勢力が同一の程度に在る時は甚しき危険と困難とを伴はざるべきも、一方が他方より劣勢なる場合に比すれば恐らく危険と困難とは大なるべしと存候
次に考ふべきは経済上の情況に候、日本人及其他の亜細亜人種が、米国人労働者に歓迎されざる情況のもとに労働し生活する時は、米国人労働者は米国人生活標準、及賃銀を低下せしむべき競争相手と目し、其入国に極力反対するに至るべしと存候、有力なる米国労働は如此見解のもとに、凡有手段を弄して、将来の移民防止に努むべしと存候、以上考察の結果、米国民以外の国民は、何人を問はず米国に移住することを拒絶するを以て、我国策の一根本義と為さんとすることは一般に認容する処なりと、小生は敢て言はんと欲するものに有之、猶ほ其れと同時に、如何なる言論の力を以てするも、本問題に関する一般の輿論は、之を動すること能はずと信ずるものに有之候
日米両国民が軋轢の結果分離したる後再び友誼を恢復せんとするよりは、従来の友誼を依然持続する方遥に容易なるべくと相考へ候、両国が互に或は要求し或は拒絶することは軋轢の原因を為すものに有之候へば、日米両国間に於ける協力一致の永久的基礎となるべき諸問題に就き、出来る丈け速に諒解を遂ぐるを以て最も重要なる要件と相信じ候」
小生は右に述べたる意見を以て米国民全体の意を代表するものなりと称するものには無之候、猶米国民の多くのものが、正しく此れと同一の態度を有するものなりとは信ぜず候へども、右申上げたる愚見は米国民の態度思想の内に潜在するものなりと信するものに候、而して彼等の有する思想は、日米両国民が最大の利益を享有せんには日米人各別に而も友情ある交誼を続け、猶ほ自然陶汰の根本法則を無視して、人種の混合若くは共住を企図せんとするは日米両国の幸福を助長する所以にあらず、否却而障害物と可相成ものと存候　敬具
　　○本書翰中ニ引用セル一九二〇年五月十四日附ノ同人書翰ハ本章第五節所収「其他ノ外国人接待」大正九年四月二十六日ノ条ニアリ。
　　○九月十八日付ノ電文トハ外務省ノ手ヲ経テ合衆国ノ知友等ニ発シタル関東大震火災ニ無事ナリシヲ報ジタル同文電報ナリ。

渋沢栄一書翰　控　　チヤールズ・チェニー宛　大正一三年五月八日
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　（渋沢子爵家所蔵）
　　　　　　　　　（栄一墨書）
　　　　　　　　　四月二十六日一覧
　　　　　　　　　如何ナル人ナルヤ、生糸関係ノ人ナルヤ
　　　　　　案
　コンネテイカツト州南マンチエスター市
　　チヤールス・チネー殿
 - 第34巻 p.80 -ページ画像 
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　渋沢栄一
拝復、然は我日米関係委員会の陳述書並に老生の意見書御熟読之上其内容に付き一々慎重御考慮被下候のみならす、御友人諸氏とも意見の交換を試みらるゝ等真面目に研究せられ候為め、御回答遷延之旨懇切の御挨拶正に拝承仕候、本問題に関しては貴国に於ける友人諸氏よりも夫々回答を受領致候へ共、貴台の如く鄭重に取扱はれし人尠く、貴台の深き御心入之段厚く謝上候、特に貴台が老生等に御共鳴被下候義は此上もなき喜びに候、又聯合高等委員設置に付ても熱心に御賛同被下欣快之至に候
御来示之日米問題に関する腹蔵なき御意見書は深き興味を以て拝誦仕候、貴台の所謂二問題即ち米国の歴史的経験及経済問題に関しては多少愚見を有し居候間、玆に記して御参考に供し度と存候、人種問題に関する御意見を要約すれば、「米国民は人種問題に関し従来最も辛き経験を有し居るが故に、風俗習慣を異にする人種を迎へて之と接触混合するを怖れ居るものなれば、日米両国民は全く相分離せる民族として、単に国際的関係を保つを以て両国親善の永久的持続に付て最も安全の策とす」と申すものゝ如くに候、老生も貴我両国の国体及風俗習慣に著しき差異を認むるものに候へ共、精神的並に道徳的には美はしき数多之共通点有之候間、若し貴我両国文明を接触せしめ候はゞ光輝ある新文明の発生を期待し得へくと確信致候、或は人種の差異を高調し、異人種は永久融合するものに非すと断定する人も有之候へ共、右は極めて固陋不徹底の見解にして採るに足らすと存候、蓋し何事に付ても単に形式より観察することを避け其本質より観察すること肝要にして、人種問題に付ても皮膚の色、風俗・習慣等外面的事実によらず其本性たる知識・道徳心等の内在的要素により判断すへき義と確信仕候、当初我邦より加州への移民は日本に於ても寧ろ下級者なりし為め貴国民の侮蔑を招きしも、貴国に於て生れて貴国の教育に拠りて成長したる彼等の子孫は、貴国の文明素養を受け、貴国の宗教・風俗・習慣等に薫化せられ貴国人の多くが嘗つて予想せざりし好成績を挙ぐることゝ信じ候
人種問題に関する歴史的経験が黒人、アメリカ土人其他之に類似せる劣等の人種との混合にのみよるものにして、幾千年の文明を有して独特の文学・芸術を有する国民との接触を含まざるを以て、之を立論の基礎とすることは如何乎と被存候、尤も今日に至る迄の日米両国民間の結婚の数は甚だ少く、其結果に付き立証すべき有力なる統計を得ること能はず候間、本問題に関する意見は要するに一種の机上の空論に過ぎざるが如き感を覚ゆるも無理ならぬ義と存候
次に経済問題に付ては、「日本移民が低廉の賃金を以て労働に従事するが故に、日本人の移入を制限せざれば米国労働界の紊乱を来すへしとの主張有之候得共、右は日本移民の現状に通ぜざるに因るものにして敢て当らすと存候、又或は「時間の観念なしに働き、日曜と他の六日との関係をも弁へず、且妻同伴にて労働す」との批難を聞き候へ共要するに習慣の相異にして容易に改良せられ得べき義に候、故に若し加州の排日運動者が排日の為に費す所の精力と時間とを同化運動に傾
 - 第34巻 p.81 -ページ画像 
注せらるゝならば、其効果蓋し刮目に価するもの可有之と存候
「我々は日本人を劣等人種と称ふる者にあらず唯異人種と言ふのみ」
との貴国紳士諸君之説に付ては常に疑問を以て聞く所に候、即ち劣等にあらざる人種を、単に異人種なるが故に排斥すとは、排斥の為めに排斥すると云ふに過ぎずして、全く理由のなきを語るものと存候、之を要するに貴国の多数者は人種的偏見に捕はれ、感情を基礎として立論するが故に、自然斯の如き不合理の結論に陥ることと存候
右貴台之御熱心に対し露骨に愚存申上、或は失礼の点も有之哉と顧慮致候得共、何卒御容赦被下、精神の在る所を御推察被下度候　敬具
　　大正十三年五月八日
　　○右草案ニ基ク英文書翰同日発送セラレタリ。

（フランク・シー・アサートン）　書翰　　渋沢栄一宛　一九二三年一〇月二〇日
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　（渋沢子爵家所蔵）
F. C. ATHERTON,
HONOLULU, HAWAII.
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　October 20, 1923.
Viscount E. Shibusawa,
　　Asukayama, Tokio, Japan.
My Dear Viscount :
　　I was very much pleased to receive thru Consul Yamasaki your letter of September 13th and to learn from it that you had escaped injury during the recent terrible earthquake which visited your city. The whole world sympathizes with the Japanese people in this terrible calamity which has befallen them. It is hard to understand why such terrible events happen, and why so many innocent people have to suffer so seriously. The Japanese people have certainly shown a remarkable spirit in the way in which they have met this great disaster and are bending every energy to restore their former cities on an improved plane.
　　I have had it in mind for some weeks to write you as to my views concerning the matters submitted in your letter of June 5th, accompanying the statement by the Japanese-American Relations Committee of Tokio. I have been particularly interested in the suggestion contained in these communications that a joint high commission be appointed by the Empire of Japan and the United States Government for a thoro study of all questions tending to cause friction between the peoples of these two great countries. I have no doubt that such a commission could render a very valuable service, but it seems to me possibly it would be wiser first to have a joint committee appointed unofficially by leading commerical bodies of these two countries, to meet and discuss all differences and causes of
 - 第34巻 p.82 -ページ画像 
friction, and try and arrive at some solution which they can recommend to a joint commission or to their Governments in order to bring about the appointment of such a commission. It has seemed to me it might be extremely difficult to get as frank an expression of views and study of the subject by an official committee appointed by the two governments as by an unofficial committee. I have thought that possibly such an organization as the United States Chamber of Commerce, which is a national body, might appoint a committee of Americans ; and the Associated Chambers of Commerce of Japan appoint a committee of Japanese, who could first meet and discuss more informally and frankly the various points which should be settled before referring such matters to government appointees.
　　I have discussed this subject with a number of my friends who are deeply interested in Japanese-American relations and this suggestion of an appointment first of an unofficial committee has seemed to be favored by them rather than an official commission at first. I am, therefore, passing on this suggestion to you for your further views. I should imagine that at the present time it might be more difficult to secure the appointment of such a committee on account of the recent calamity which has visited Japan, but as soon as the time is opportune I sincerely trust that it may be possible to have some definite action taken, either by the leading commercial bodies of both countries or by the Governments which will tend to clear up points of differences.
　　With kindest regards and best wishes, I am,
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　Sincerely yours,
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　(Signed)
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　FCA-V F. C. Atherton.
（右訳文）
　　　　　　　　　　（栄一鉛筆）
　　　　　　　　　　十一月十七日一覧、回答案取調可申事アサートン氏提議之両国商業会議所より委員選出之事ハ一案といふへきニ付其意味を以て相答可申事
　東京市　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　（十一月九日入手）
　　子爵渋沢栄一閣下
　　　　　　　　　　　　　ホノルル、一九二三年十月二十日
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　エフ・シー・アサートン
拝啓
九月十三日附の貴翰山崎総領事を通じて正に入手難有拝見仕候、今回貴国に勃発せる大震災に際し、閣下には無事難を免れられ候趣欣賀此事に存候、今回の大災害に対して全世界は貴国民に満腔の同情を表居候、天は何故に如此大災害を日本に降し、如此多数無辜の国民を苦し
 - 第34巻 p.83 -ページ画像 
むるものなるか、私共は諒解する能はざる処に御座候、日本国民は此大惨害に臨むに必すや沈勇を以てし、旧時に優る都市の復興の為に勇往邁進せられ居ることと存候
去六月五日附の貴翰並に東京日米関係委員会に於て発表せられたる陳述書に関し、予て小生は愚見開陳致度と存居候、日米両国政府より聯合高等委員を任命し、両国民軋轢の原因につき満足なる研究を遂げんとの御趣旨に対しては、小生は特に興味を抱くものに候、如此委員は必ずや価値ある任務を果すなるべしと存候へとも、其任命を促進する運動の第一着手として、先づ小生は両国の重なる商業団体より非公式なる聯合委員を任命し、会議を開いて諸種の問題及其原因を討議して其解決策を考究し、然る後此れを別に任命せらるべき聯合委員若くは政府に提出するは賢明なる策にあらずやと愚考仕候、正式の委員は非公式の委員程腹蔵なく所懐を披瀝し、又は協議を遂ぐること能はざる嫌有之候、米国の商業会議所は国家的団体なれば、此団体より米国側委員を選出し、次に日本の商業会議所聯合会よりも同様日本側委員を選出し、此両委員が先づ会合を催し、解決を要すべき各種の問題を遠慮なく非公式に討議し然る後、政府の任命せる委員に廻附せば宜敷からずやと存候
此問題に就ては、已に日米問題に興味を有する多数の友人の意嚮を叩きたるに、当初より、公式の委員を任命せんよりは、先づ非公式の委員を任命することに何れも賛意を表し居候、右様の次第に付更めて此計画を閣下に致し、御高見相伺度と存候、大災害後の今日早速右任命を見んとすることは頗る困難なる事情可有之とは存候へども、好都合となり次第、両国の主要なる商業団体若くは政府によつて具体的行動をとり、問題解決の為に資するを得べきことと存候　敬具

渋沢栄一書翰控　　フランク・シー・アサートン宛　大正一三年二月一四日
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　（渋沢子爵家所蔵）
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　（栄一墨書）
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　二月七日一覧
　　　　　　案
　ハワイ、ホノルヽ市
　　エフ・シー・アサートン殿
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　東京
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　渋沢栄一
拝啓益御清適奉賀候、然は昨年の大災厄に際し貴国民の甚深なる御同情と莫大なる金品の御寄送とによりて表示せられたる国民的友情は、吾等日本国民の深謝措く能はざる所に有之候、同震災の為め我等日本国民の蒙りし損害は甚大には候得共、之れか為に両国親善の増進せるを見て、多年之が為に努力致候我等は、一切の苦痛を忘れて欣喜致候次第に候
貴台には聯合高等委員設置に関して我が日米関係委員会の公表せる陳述書及老生の意見書に関し種々御高慮被下、米本土御旅行中にも右に付御友人諸氏と意見を交換被成候由にて、其結果を御報告被下多大の興味と細密の注意とを以て拝読仕候、而して政府任命の聯合高等委員
 - 第34巻 p.84 -ページ画像 
を設置するに先ち、其準備として日本の聯合商業会議所及北米合衆国聯合商業会議所より非公式的代表者を選定し、加州日本人問題に付協議せしむべしとの案は、至極適切にして確かに一案と相考へ候得共、此種の聯合委員は非公式なる為め種々の便宜あると共に不徹底の嫌有之、兎角隔靴掻痒の憾可有之と恐れ候、然しながら老生は強て貴案に反対する者には無之候も、此際は根本的且徹底的に協議するの必要ありと存じ、又貴国全般に亘る有識者の注意を喚起せん為には両国政府任命の委員会に如くはなしと確信致候為め、公式会議の開催を敢て主張致す次第に候、御高配の如く政府任命の聯合高等委員会議には幾多の困難と障害との伴ふべく、或は遂に所期の目的を達し得ざる迄に紛糾せずとも限らずと存し候へ共、該会議が数千万の貴国民に対して加州日本人問題の真相を了解せしめ得べく、従て貴国東西の有識者は貴国民の誇とする正義人道の見地より之れを批判し、且つ処置せらるゝに至るべしと確信仕候
故に大正九年東京に於て開催せられたる非公式日米有志聯合協議会に於て、当日米関係委員側より提出して満場一致を以て可決し、更に大正十一年桑港に開催せられたる同様の協議会に於て桑港米日関係委員側より動議せられ、同じく満場一致を以て決議せられたる此の聯合高等委員設置を提唱して止まざる次第に御座候
右御回答旁々得貴意度如此御座候　敬具
　　○右草案ニ基ク英文書翰ハ大正十三年二月十四日附ニテ発送セラレタリ。

（宮岡恒次郎）書翰　　渋沢栄一宛　（大正一二年一二月八日）
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　（渋沢子爵家所蔵）
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　（宮岡）
　　渋沢子爵閣下　　　　　　　　　　　　宮岡恒次郎(印)
拝啓益々御清適奉慶賀候、陳者先年米国カ世界戦争ニ参加セサル前、ボストンノ神経系統病医師ニテ、又心理学者トシテ知ラレタルモートン・プリンス氏、ハバード大学総長ローウエル氏其他ノ添書ヲ携帯シテ来朝セラレ候ニ付、当時小生ヨリ閣下ニ御紹介申上、御心尽シニ依リ幸ニ我操觚界ニ接近スルコトヲ得、同氏ハ之ニ依リテ米国有志者ノ意見ヲ徹底的ニ我国ニ於テ発表スルコトヲ得、多大ノ便宜ヲ得タルコト有之候ニ付、本年六月五日東京日米関係委員会カ加州問題其他米国ニ於ケル日本人排斥立法ニ付陳述書ヲ発表シ、同月九日附ヲ以テ閣下ノ御書面ヲ添ヘ、米国ノ御知人ニ御郵送相成候節、小生モ聊カ犬馬ノ労ニ当ルノ趣意ニテ、米国ノ知人ニ同書類ヲ送リ置候、其節前記プリンス氏ハ欧洲ニ旅行中ナリシカ、近頃米国ニ帰リ、小生ノ書柬等ヲ閲読シタル由ニテ、合衆国ノ輿論ヲ喚起シ、米国政府ヲ動カシテ日本政府ノ任命スベキ同種ノ委員ト会同、意見ヲ交換スベキ最高委員会設立ニ向ケ歩ヲ進ムルノ手段ニ付、別紙抜書ノ通申越候、就テハ貴事務所ニ於テ翻訳セシメラレ、同憂ノ諸士ヘ御配布被下候ヘハ欣幸ノ至ニ奉存候、プリンス氏ノ社交上ノ地位及経歴等ハ金子子爵・団博士等御承知ノ事ニ御座候
右得貴意候　敬具
（別紙）
 - 第34巻 p.85 -ページ画像 
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　(COPY)
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　458 Beacon Street,
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　Boston, November 11, 1923.
Dear Miyaoka :
　　････････････
　　As to the Pacific-Japanese question I am in entire sympathy with the "Statement by the Japanese American Relations Committee of Tokyo" and with its resentment of the grievances complained of. I had no idea that such conditions and proposals as those mentioned exist. In the East here we never hear of them ― at least I don't; and I read everything on foreign affairs I can get hold of. In Boston there is no feeling against your countrymen ; in fact all who come in contact with them are very fond of them.
　　Now as a remedy your plan for a High Commission is an excellent one. The practical question is how to bring it about. The difficulty is not antagonism but ignorance and indifference.
　　My suggestion is that you get some well-known Americans like Butler and Charles W. Eliot at the head to memorialize the administration, and in addition to have them (not Japanese) send a copy of your printed letter and the "Statement" to every member of Congress. If this were done the Associated Press would handle it and send it throughout the country. You need publicity more than anything else. If you can get the people interested they will be fair. The blood in my veins tingled when I read the facts in your Statement. So it will be with others who hate injustice and meanness. I will do all I can. Keep me advised as to how I can help.
　　With kind regards to Mrs. Miyaoka and thankfulness that you are all safe.
　　　　　　　　　　　Sincerely your friend,
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　MORTON PRINCE.
（右別紙訳文）
　　　　　　　　　　（栄一墨書）
　　　　　　　　　　十二月廿五日閲
　　　　　　　　　　宮岡氏へ来書之一覧を請へ、将来之取扱方も同氏之意見承合候方可然候事
（写）
　東京
　　宮岡恒次郎様　　ボストン市、一九二三年十一月十一日
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　モートン・プリンス
拝啓
（前略）
太平洋沿岸の日本人問題に関しては、小生は東京日米関係委員会の意
 - 第34巻 p.86 -ページ画像 
見に全然賛成の意を表すると共に、同委員会の遺憾とせる点に対しても、同情を表せんとするものに候、陳述書中に述べられたる如き事情が現に存在し、且つ如此提案の存在せんとは夢想だもせざりし処に候東部地方に於ては如此排日問題の存するを聞かず、少くとも小生は聞及ばざりし処に候、小生は接手し得る限りの書類によりて外国事情を研究致居候、当ボストンに於いては貴国人に対して悪感情を抱けるもの無之、否却而好んで交際致居候
加州排日の対策として貴委員会に於て御計画中の高等委員設置の件は殊に結構なる案と存候、只実際問題としては此れが実現方法如何が問題にして、又その困難とする点は反感にあらずして無知と無関心とに在りと存候
小生はバトラー氏、チヤールス・ダブルユー・エリオツト氏の如き知名の米国人をして、該委員設置の件を政府に建言せしむる外、米国人をして貴翰並に陳述書を各議員に一通宛配布する事を提言致度と存候斯くする時は聯合通信社は全国に此れが報道を発する事と相成べしと存候、此際就中必要なるは宣伝に有之候、米国民をして興味を抱かしむる時は、彼等は公平なる態度に出づるなるべしと存候、貴陳述書にて事実を承知したる時、小生は血の鳴るを覚え候、邪悪と卑劣とを好まざる人は何人も小生と同一の感を抱くなるべしと存候、小生に於て出来得べきことは何事を為すも辞せざるべき積りに付、其方法に就き可然御教示相仰度と存候
（下略）

竜門雑誌　　第四二九号・第一八―二三頁　大正一三年六月
　　　　○汎太平洋協会午餐会に於て
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　青淵先生
　　本編は四月十七日帝国ホテルに於ける汎太平洋協会午餐会に於ける講演なり（編者識）
○中略
然るに其後大正九年（一九二〇年）になると、加州には人民投票が行はれたのであります。大正二年の土地法に続いて、移民に対して更に厳重なる制限が加へられる事になりました。此時には米国の関係委員会の人々と協議を致したいと思ひまして、其年三月の末に、加州からアレキサンダー君始め六名の委員が日本に来られて、十日間の協議会を開きました。又支那関係の紛議もあつたから、紐育方面の有志諸君と協議するの必要を感じて、同年四月末にヴワンダリツプ氏一行十二名を招致して、十日間の会議を尽しました。此両回の会同には種々の問題もありましたが、結局両国間に政府任命の高等委員会を作つて、其委員に移民問題を充分に協議させて其結果を政府に具申し、両国政府に於て然るべく決定するがよい。詰り高等委員会は其下調べをするのである。而して其会議は成るべく公開してやりたいと云ふのであつた。其相談を定めて後、両国の関係委員から両国政府に申し出したが採用する所となりませんでした。其中に人民投票が成立して、土地法
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借地法、其他峻厳に改められたのであります。其の翌年即ち大正十年には華盛頓会議が開かれた。是は軍備縮小・太平洋問題、及山東の処分等を議するのであつたが、吾々は加州移民問題をも此会議で解決したいと希望して、時の総理大臣原敬氏に進言しましたが、加州問題は終に此会議には加へられなかつたのであります。但し華盛頓会議は甚だ重要の事だと思つたから、私は大正十年の冬日本を立ちまして国民の使節として米国に旅行したのでありました。米国到着後、各方面に内運動をして、華盛頓会議は、軍備縮小・太平洋問題、及山東問題は都合能く協定したが、移民問題には立入らぬと云ふので、私は其月初旬に華府を引揚げて加州に到り、桑港、ロスアンゼルス、サンジエゴー、シヤトル、ホルトランド等、北に南に往来して、二週間許り奔走して居ましたが、桑港の関係委員の申されるには、之はどうしても、前に日本側委員の提議したる高等委員会を組織するより外には途が無いと考へると云ふので、其案を定めて私に提供しました。そこで私は十一年の一月、日本に帰着早々、関係委員会を開き、其議を決定して我政府に其希望を申入れました。又アレキサンダー氏は亜米利加政府に申し出したが、日本では埴原次官が、亜米利加政府が応ずるなら同意すると云ふ意嚮を漏らされたが、亜米利加政府では事柄は良いが其時機でないというて、終に応諾せられなかつたのであります。
○下略

在米日本人会年報　　第一六号・第一四頁　大正一三年一月刊
　　　　大正十二年度事務報告
○上略
　　　　　　第二、聯絡関係事務
○中略
（七）日米関係委員会関係事項　○中略　本年六月五日附を以て○渋沢栄一東京日米関係委員会を代表して、日米両国朝野の有力者に対して、在米日本人問題の解決協定上、日米両国政府の任命する聯合高等委員会組織に関して提案せられ、痛切に其必要を説き、賛同を求められたり。

竜門雑誌　　第四八二号・第一七―一八頁　昭和三年一一月
　　　　青淵先生と日米問題
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　頭本元貞
○上略
　　　　　　十、日米関係委員会の活動
　先生は帰朝○大正五年一月せらるゝや、桑港のアレキサンダー氏其他の諸氏に与へられたる言責を重んじ、直に同志を糾合して日米関係委員会なる一団体を組織せられた。其の会員は僅に三十名内外であるが、概ね実業界、思想界、政界等の代表的人物である。此の会は現に桑港の友会並に米国東部の友人等と相呼応して各種の行動を執りて日米親善の増進に努めつゝある。其の活動に就き、一二の実例を挙げんに、大正九年の始めに於て桑港の日米関係委員会のアレキサンダー其他重なる会員を東京に招待して、聯合協議会を開き、日米間の係争問題即ち
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移民問題、在米邦人待遇問題等に付き意見の交換を行ひ、引続き其の晩春に於て米国東部諸市からフランク、ヴアンダリツプ氏外十数名の名士を招待し、同一の問題に関して同様の協議会を催した。当時米国に於ては、支那・朝鮮・西伯利等に対する我政策に関し大に誤解が伝はり、日米国民間の感情を疎隔しつゝある際であつた為め、此協議会に於て日本側は此の点につき真相を開陳し米人側の誤見を正すことに大に努めた。之れと同時に金子子爵年来の主唱にかゝる聯合高等委員を両国政府に於て任命して、此等の懸案に附いて調査を行ひ、其の解決方法を作成せしむべしとの決議を提出し、米人側も主義に於て之に賛成の意を表するに至つた。此の案に対し桑港の米日関係委員会は其後熱心の賛同を表し、相提携して其実現に努むべき旨申込んで来た。
そこで同会は米国政府に向つて運動し、我会は我政府に向つて各熱心に運動したる結果、我政府は之に賛意を表したれども、米国政府は之を好まざる為め、遂に此案の実行を見るに至らなかつたことは、我々の衷心より遺憾とするところである。